When tribalism spins out of control

The past year was a difficult year for the Israeli Right. The Right has never been righter politically, and has never been more wrong socially. If they were to receive a diploma at the end of the school year, the rightists—led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—would get an “A” in realistic view of the State of Israel and an “F” when it comes to the Jewish people. As to the Torah, there are differences of opinion. Each Jew and his own Torah. I wrote this at the end of a relatively quiet week. Knesset members from the Likud didn’t insult bereaved families (on the contrary, MK Miki Zohar reconciled with the family of fallen soldier Hadar Goldin), no one attacked Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot, and everyone condemned the stone-throwing in Yitzhar. Even the reports about the Likud’s drag campaign were not that dramatic. Ugly election campaigns are a matter of taste. The important thing is whether the statehood required from the leadership takes over the next day, or whether a new campaign begins.

Prime Minister Netanyahu and Culture Minister Regev. An ‘A’ in realistic view of the State of Israel and an ‘F’ when it comes to the Jewish people (Photo: Alex Kolomoisky)

The good news is that the state has never been in a better diplomatic and economic situation. The days of 1967, before and after the war, were characterized by boycotts, an existential danger and a shaky economy. Today’s Israel is an island of stability. The bad news is that tribalism is a political tool which has span out of control. David Ben-Gurion fought the Jewish people’s traditional tribalism through state education and military service. A melting pot. Today’s politics, which encourages tribalism, has reversed that trend. It’s what Culture Minister Miri Regev is doing, what the post-election campaigns are doing. It’s the essence of the failure, regardless of whether the excuse is the Israel Public Broadcasting Corporation, Yair Garbuz or Breaking the Silence. If you’re looking for the reason, you’ll have no trouble finding it: Too much political success. Everything the Right predicted has been fulfilled: Don’t give them guns—they gave them, and we got rivers of blood; don’t bring Arafat back—he’s a terrorist; Gaza will turn into an incubator for terrorism. Ben-Gurion Airport is within the missile range. They said these things and did the exact opposite. Netanyahu’s strategic outlook is correct. Most Israelis understand today that there is no one to talk too. This perception is allegedly worth 60 Knesset seats, not 30. But this is where the problem lies. A black and dark hole threatening the government when the truth is required.

The lack of governance in Jerusalem’s Arab neighborhoods. The building freeze—and the defrosting declarations. The cooperation with the Palestinians. It all comes down to the Qalqilya issue as a microcosm. Two cabinet meetings were apparently held on the issue. In neither of them were maps opened to present the Palestinians' vision in 2035. Had the maps been opened, they would have understood that Qalqilya and Tulkarm are actually a bad choice. Whoever travelled on Highway 6 and saw a large Palestinian flag hoisted over Tulkarm understands. Whoever went in there to conduct arrests understand it even more concretely.

The discussion on the Palestinian Authority’s image in two decades from now—an expanded autonomy or a state minus—has not been held and won’t be held, for fear of a decision and criticism. That’s how they deal with one city instead of the entire Judea and Samaria region, and when the questions arrive they panic and suffer from amnesia.

A few words worth joining the Likud for: Statehood, unity and peace. Yes, peace between Jews (Photo: Motti Kimchi)

Last week, a senior Bayit Yehudi member showed me the construction freeze list in Jerusalem. It’s a long list. The municipality hands it over to the Prime Minister’s Office, and the approval fails to arrive. That’s the procedure. One of the clauses that caught my attention was a master plan for the Jewish Quarter—an area of consensus. In the last elections, the Likud warned that Tzipi Livni and Isaac Herzog would bring the Israelis to the Western Wall in armored personnel carriers. If any of them would freeze construction in the Jewish Quarter, there would be mass protests today. US President Donald Trump’s eagerness, by the way, to send Jews to the region as peace envoys makes no difference. There have been Jews and non-Jews of all types here. In the end, the Palestinian and the Israelis are the ones left. The Palestinians dream of 1948, the Israelis can’t afford to return to the 1967 borders, and everything else is wording. The only thing that might disrupt the plans is a night which King Trump won’t be able to sleep, and the legal rope will make him search for a documented history, like a Nobel Peace Prize. All Israel needs is for Trump to sleep well at night. With this database, it doesn’t matter who will be prime minister and which party will be the ruling one. At the end of the day, the diplomatic results will be similar. Naftali Bennett is Bibi, Bibi is Yair Lapid, and Lapid is Isaac Herzog. And they’re all the same in terms of the options on the table. It’s the same old thing under a different cloak. So in order to distinguish between them and recruit supporters, the political base theory developed, followed by Netanyahu’s battle over Bennett’s voters instead of over the centrist voters, as we were used to in the past. And so tribalism has turned into a monster, which is only growing. There are only two possible solutions for this situation, which is threatening Israel’s social fabric: One is a party that will become an alternative to the Likud. The kind of right-wing party the Likud used to be. Bennett is not there yet and the rest as separated and scattered, fortunately for Netanyahu. The second option is to play outside the rules of the game: To join the Likud in masses—the new, the old, the forgotten Likudniks, or any other definition—to create power centers inside the ruling party. Why? Because that’s what the state needs. This should be done by anyone who needs it and anyone who cares about the fact that we have returned to the days of Sallah Shabati. Forget about Jason Greenblatt, Jared Kushner and peace with the Palestinians. Here are a few words worth joining the Likud for: Statehood, unity and peace. Yes, peace between Jews.

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Trump's travel ban a far cry from original

WASHINGTON—With President Donald Trump's travel ban taking effect Thursday, the White House declared victory on the first major policy push of his presidency. But it could not have been the win Trump imagined.

What was once described as a blanket ban on Muslims, then became a temporary ban on visitors from seven majority-Muslim countries, is now a list of confusing new visa restrictions. Trump's eye-popping campaign promise to deliver security by limiting entry into the US has become the incredible shrinking travel ban, a plan rewritten, tweaked, watered down and litigated nearly beyond recognition. All but lost in the five-month editing process and court fight is the president's stated aim: keeping dangerous people out of the US Trump initially billed the temporary ban on visitors from certain countries and refugees as an urgent and necessary tool to keep out would-be terrorists while the government crafted new "extreme vetting" procedures. But five months and no ban later, the administration has made little effort to build a stronger case and offered scant new evidence to back up its claims.

(Photo: AFP)

The restrictions that took effect Thursday evening, reinstated temporarily by the Supreme Court, are a far cry from Trump's initial executive order, which sparked protests, chaos at airports and legal challenges in his administration's earliest days. That order was withdrawn after being replaced with a version that Trump himself described as "watered down" and "politically correct." "What the Supreme Court did was watered it down even further," Kari Hong, an immigration law expert at Boston College Law School, said of the version that took effect. The justices' ruling exempts people if they can prove a "bona fide relationship" with a US person or entity. Under State Department guidelines, visa applicants from six Muslim-majority countries for the next 90 days need to show close family or business ties to the United States. Citizens of Syria, Sudan, Somalia, Libya, Iran and Yemen with a parent, spouse, fiancé, child, adult son or daughter, son-in-law, daughter-in-law or sibling already in the United States could be allowed to enter. Journalists, students, workers or lecturers who have valid, formal invitations or employment contracts in the US are exempt from the ban. The same requirements, with some exceptions, apply for the next 120 days to refugees from all nations who are still awaiting approval.

(Photo: AFP)

Experts aren't expecting large numbers of people to be immediately affected. Temple University law professor Peter Spiro, an immigration law expert, noted the numbers are difficult to predict because of likely legal challenges over the interpretation of the term "bona fide," which the court did not define. While Trump declared the court ruling a "win," his administration did not lay out a clear case for the national security merits of the plan. In a conference call with reporters Thursday, only one of five administration officials — one representing the White House — couched the Supreme Court order as a step that will have a marked impact on improving national security. The other four officials, from the departments of State, Justice and Homeland Security, described the actions more narrowly.

(Photo: AFP)

Asked specifically how the measures would improve security, a State Department official said only, "The guidance we have from the president is to put a pause on certain travel while we review our security posture." The officials all spoke on condition of anonymity despite describing a public executive order. The White House sees the Supreme Court decision as a temporary measure, and is confident it will win on the merits when the court hears the case later this year. John Malcolm, a vice president at the conservative Heritage Foundation, said the Supreme Court's decision to allow parts of the ban to take effect and to hear the case was a good sign for those who support the ban. "I think it sends a strong signal that the president is likely to prevail. As I think he should," Malcolm said, adding that he believed the court was allowing "90 percent" of what the president initially set out to do to take effect.

(Photo: AFP)

But it remains unclear whether even the original ban would have improved security. National security experts have warned that the proposal alienated moderate Muslims and turned off allies who the US relies on in the fight against extremist groups. The Homeland Security Department's intelligence arm found in February that citizenship is an "unlikely indicator" for a terrorism threat to the United States. A draft report obtained by The Associated Press said few people from the six countries affected by the ban have carried out attacks or been involved in terrorism-related activities in the US since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011. The government said the draft report was "from a single intelligence source versus an official, robust document" and said it was incomplete. Spiro said the travel ban has been "absurd from the get-go and it's no less absurd now." He argued that any national security ends could be accomplished with a much narrower focus on people who have historically posed a risk. "It's all about politics. It has nothing to do with security and counter-terrorism activities," he said.

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Soldiers must learn how to deal with Jewish rioters

“We weren’t taught to deal with 15-year-old Jewish rioters,” reserve soldiers said Wednesday after Jewish pyromania set Palestinian fields on fire near Yitzhar and they found themselves caught between the two sides helplesslya stationary target being cursed, pelted with stones, shoved and hit by Hilltop Youth members.

I have a few things to say about it: First of all, I’m tired of seeing social media, as well as some media outlets, going out of their way to demand that the Bayit Yehudi leader Naftali Bennett and his likes condemn the incident. As if there is even a shred of benefit in such a condemnation.

To the same extent, I’ve had enough of hearing that it’s just a handful of errant weeds, a tiny minority which doesn’t reflect the general public in any way. In both cases, the condemnation—whether it arrives or not—and the denial of the magnitude of this phenomenon have been irrelevant for a long time now. What happened in Yitzhar this week was not an individual incident or an unusual event. It has been a daily matter for at least a decade now.

A civilized, law-abiding state cannot settle for conversations and agreements with a leadership that is unable to deal with the problem or has no desire to do so

The required question, therefore, is how is it possible that IDF soldiers, who have been serving in the territories for the past 50 years, complain, almost in tears: “We didn’t know what the hell we should do in that situation, and we just prayed that we would be released from this crappy reserve service already.”

There seem to be only two answers to this question. The first is that perhaps there really is no reason for the soldiers to know what to do. The complaints and the whining are indeed justified, and so is the helplessness they demonstrated there. Soldiers shouldn’t have to know how to deal with 15-year-old Jewish rioters or, to be more accurate, 15- or 18- or 22-year-old Jewish psychos. That’s what the state is for. And the state has been delegated comprehensive powers, under the law. It paves roads, it is responsible for our health, it provides our children with an education, and it should also guarantee that our children—excuse me, our soldiers—won’t have to know what to do with these people. That’s what the police are for, that’s what the courts are for. And if needed—and it is needed—there is also a general security service with a Jewish division, and everyone in it should be enlisted to accomplish this mission.

The Shin Bet will target them, the police will arrest them and the court—in an unusual manner—won’t stall and drag the issue, but will properly deal with those psychos. Just like law-abiding states deal with hooligans, just like the State of Israel deals with Palestinians who throw stones, riot and set fields on fire.

A second option is a state decision that the soldiers will be the ones to do the dirty work. And in that case, after 50 years of sitting in the territories, after hundreds and maybe even thousands of such incidents and similar ones, the soldiers will be taught what to do too. They should get rid of the phrase “an impossible reality” every time such an encounter happens, replace it with “a very possible reality,” and handle this reality the way the army handles the challenges it faces.

And the IDF spokesman should stop telling us that “as part of the regiment’s preparations, the soldiers and officers exercised a variety of scenarios and dealt with them well and professionally”—as if the soldiers didn’t tell us a completely different story a moment ago. Instead, the problem should be defined and characterized, a combat doctrine should be formulated and training programs should be derived from it, focusing on situations and responses.

Why? Because the problem exists, because it’s mishandled, because today’s working method isn’t proving itself, because this farce must stop, because a civilized state which respects its book of laws cannot settle for conversations and agreements with a leadership that is unable to deal with the problem or has no desire to do so.

Look at the conversations between Shin Bet officials and Rabbi Yitzhak Ginzburg. That same rabbi, shortly afterwards, explained to his cheering students, in a lesson he delivered in Kfar Chabad, that it would be a shame for them to waste their precious time in jail. It would be better, of course, to burn a Palestinian olive grove or a brigade commander’s jeep, or both—they just have to act wisely, or as the rabbi put it, “For by wise guidance you wage your war.”

If the rabbi understands that, the State of Israel should definitely understand that.

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A sledge-hammer blow to American Jewry

The cancellation by the Israeli government of the 2016 decision to create an egalitarian prayer plaza at the Western Wall has caused significant harm to the image of a strong alliance between Diaspora Jewry and the State of Israel.

The decision is a retreat by the Israeli government from an agreement between it and the American Conservative and Reform movements, which would have allowed them a section at the Western Wall, and cleared the way to preparing the holy site accordingly. The move constitutes a painful slap in the face of American Jewry, regarding a matter that is vital to it: Its own Jewish identity. The strategic alliance with the US is a central pillar in the very foundation of the national security of Israel, and its international standing. The bond between the Jewish State and American Jewry has been a central component in nourishing and forging this unique alliance. This bond has been a major contributor to the overall strength of Israel over the last seven decades.

Photo: AFP

American Jews, famous for their activism and commitment, have been promoting the cause of Israel in local, federal, and international politics, philanthropy, and through social activism. It is this image of an unshakable, ever-committed bond that is now under threat, with possible, serious implications.

The majority of the American Jewish community, justifiably viewed as powerful and influential, has remained unwavering in its support of Israel over the years, exercising its influence on behalf of the state, in every field. Liberal leaders have, in recent days, warned that the government’s decision to dismiss the Western Wall agreement will have lasting consequences. Large sections of American Jewry, who feel that their identity has been rejected, could lose motivation to act for Israel, resulting in a weakening of proactive support. Some might even seek ways to vent their anger towards the government of Israel and its coalition partners. The fact that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government are willing to harm Israel’s long-term national security for political, short-term survival shows that the cancellation is a rushed, short-sighted decision. The principle of bipartisan support means that Democrats and Republicans, Left and Right, Liberals and Conservatives – all have a place in the pro-Israel tent in America. The liberal American Jewish communities have traditionally, for historical reasons, been in the Democratic party camp, while the Orthodox minority mainly supports President Donald Trump and his Republican party. We are now reaching a stage in which decisions by the Israeli government win support by American Jews who support Trump, and at the same time, they tangibly harm the position of liberal American Jews, who – it so happens – are Democratic supporters.

Photo: AFP

The near absolute correlation in the American Jewish community, split between the Liberal – Democratic affiliation and the Orthodox – Republican affiliation, means that decisions like the latest one by the government have partisan reverberations in the US. In the long run, these decisions undermine the traditional Israeli interest of securing bipartisan support of Israel. The influence of such decisions will no doubt be felt on university campuses, where Reform and Conservative students are often instrumental in blocking attempts by the BDS movement in America. The moral power of the liberal, US Jewish community, and its ability to connect with other liberal organizations on a range of political issues, means it is well-placed to tackle BDS. But this fight against BDS may too have been weakened by the government’s decision. We have sadly seen this movie before. In 1988, when I was Israel’s Consul in Atlanta, the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir of the Likud party won a tight election race against Labor. As he proceeded to build a coalition, the Agudat Yisrael Haredi party demanded that the Law of Return be changed, to recognize only Orthodox converts as eligible for Israeli citizenship, and Shamir acquiesced, surrendering to their demand. The Jewish world at that time was up in arms, led by American Jews. I well recall the shocked responses of the Jewish community in Atlanta. Elderly American Jews, whose main life purpose was to act for Israel in local and international politics, were left in tears. Many saw the move as a permanent divorce from the State of Israel. It is difficult to find a family in the US that does not, in its close circle, include a convert of one manner or another, many of whom are not recognized by the Israeli Rabbinate. Shamir understood the crisis, and made a swift, wise, U-turn, dropping the proposal, and adopting a unity government with the Labor party instead. His initial decision to give in to the Haredi proposal resulted from pure ignorance of the American Jewish community, unaware of the severe ramifications that would have ensued had he gone ahead with it.

Photo: AFP

 Unfortunately, the same cannot be said of Netanyahu, who lived in the US, and has a deep understanding of the composition, as well as key issues and values, of American Jewry. The fact that Netanyahu is profoundly familiar with the American Jewish world leads to the inescapable conclusion that he is willing to sacrifice Israeli long-term interests and Jewish unity for short- term political survival.

If not remedied, this episode may become the most significant crisis between American Jews and the Israeli government to date.

Arthur Koll is a former Israeli ambassador to Serbia and Montenegro, former Consul in Atlanta Georgia and immediate past Deputy Director General of The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Israel.

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Israel speaking Russian to Hezbollah

When Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah wakes up in the morning, the last thing on his mind is another fence being built by Israel along its border with Lebanon. As far as he’s concerned, when Israel invests billions in different fortifications on the northern border, it’s another small victory. The war he is waging against Israel is comprehensive: Sometime it’s reflected in missile attacks, but most of the time it’s psychological and economic. His goal is to make Israel waste money and live in fear. That’s how he believes he can break Israeli society. One thing that does bother Nasrallah when he opens his eyes is where will he get money to keep maintaining the huge political, military and civilian system he has built in Lebanon in a reasonable manner. Over the past two years, Hezbollah has been in a dire financial situation. The Iranian support has been reduced by hundreds of millions of dollars; there is a drop in the extent of taxation and donations; the Americans, the Saudis and others have declared the group a terror organization, and the sanctions are leaving their mark on its day-to-day life. Having no other choice, Hezbollah has sold assets and reduced salaries. One-third of Hezbollah’s fighting force has been in Syria for four years now. One-third of the fighters have been either killed or wounded, and the burden of payments to their families is huge. Morale is affected too. Militants are reluctant to participate in another round of fighting in Syria after only narrowly escaping the previous time. It’s no wonder that in the past two years Hezbollah has been burying 16 and 17-year-old boys who volunteered to fight among the organization’s ranks in Syria.

Fence on Israel-Lebanon border. A reason for war? Not as far as Hezbollah is concerned (Archive photo: Avihu Shapira)

So why did someone in the defense establishment decide to make headlines this week by linking the commencement of work on the northern border fence to a summer war against Hezbollah? This is not the finest hour for Hezbollah forces in southern Lebanon. Their ability to wear out and curb an Israeli ground maneuver has been reduced, as a significant part of the best or most professional forces reinforcing the defense lines in southern Lebanon is absent. If anyone in Israel decides there is a need to destroy Hezbollah’s base in southern Lebanon, now is the time. A Hezbollah-initiated war coming out of Lebanon is out of the question right now, as far as the organization is concerned. Its leaders believe one of the ways to circumvent the “Maginot Line” Israel is building on its northern border is the Golan Heights. There, Israel is already wrestling with Hezbollah and Iran in different ways. This brawl is reflected in the Israeli strikes against the Syrian army in recent days—following the spillover of mortar shells into Israel—as part of the battle over shaping the Golan Height’s future. It seems ever since the Russian army arrived in Syria, Israel keeps learning how a world power works. One of the tools frequently used by the Russians is called “soft force”: Deception, misleading, psychological warfare, a conflict between different parts of the population. On Sunday, for example, after the Israel Air Force bombed Syrian army units in Quneitra, the official Russian news agency reported the IDF had attacked posts of the al-Nusra Front rebel organization. That wasn’t true, but does it matter? In the Russian code, such a statement indicates to the Syrians: We have no intention of interfering in your fights with Israel in the Quneitra area. And to Israel it says: We acknowledge your interest in this area.

Israel doesn’t really think the fence would lead to war in the summer. If a conflict erupts, it will be for other reasons. It’s just working according to the Russian model to exert psychological and diplomatic leverages of pressure. So last week, Israel’s ambassador to the United Nations, followed by the Military Intelligence director, presented Hezbollah observation towers and accused UNIFIL of insufficient supervision, while this week, a military source created a headline that the fence could be used as a pretext for war.

It’s no coincidence. There is a message to Hezbollah here that if it fails to back down on its effort to establish strongholds in the Golan Heights, Israel may take advantage of its weakness in southern Lebanon and attack. This message is also recreating the recognition among the residents of southern Lebanon, and Lebanon in general, that Hezbollah may turn their lives into a living hell. To the world, this headline conveys the following message: Step up the sanctions against Hezbollah, because this terror organization is endangering the region’s stability.   

The problem with the Russian method is that, in democratic societies, twisted messages could turn into a double-edged sword. The Galilee is thriving. The summer vacations are about to start. Such a message could dry up the Galilee. As soon as the first image of construction work on the fence is published, people will flee.

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It’s not Olmert who should be ashamed

“The Israel Air Force attacked the nuclear reactor in Syria on September 6, 2007, after midnight. The strike was conducted under a veil of secrecy, which was maintained after the strike as well. About six months after the day of the strike, sources in the American administration announced that the attacked and destroyed target was a nuclear reactor for the production of plutonium, which had been built in Syria with North Korea’s help. In 2011, the International Atomic Energy Agency confirmed that the bombed target was indeed a nuclear reactor under construction. The Der Spiegel newspaper reported that the codename of the attack was Operation Orchard.”

This isn’t the chapter from Ehud Olmert’s book which was smuggled from prison and which led people to accuse the former prime minister of disclosing security-related secrets. This was taken from the Hebrew entry of Operation Orchard in Wikipedia, information which anyone can find under the title “The airstrike on the nuclear reactor in Syria.” It also specifies the forces that executed the attack: Seven F-15I fighters, F-16I fighters, an electronic warfare aircraft and the Shaldag unit.” Anyone who wishes to delve deeper into the matter could find plenty of references, including interviews and videos, featuring senior international officials, not just “foreign sources.”

Former Prime Minister Olmert. Personally-motivated persecution? (Photo: Tal Shahar)

What happened here last week, therefore, is nothing less than a dangerous, despicable precedent in the conduct of Attorney General Avichai Mandelblit and State Attorney Shai Nitzan, who allowed five police investigators to raid the Yedioth Books publishing house. In their first search, the investigators took more than 11,000 emails from the computer of the publishing house’s CEO, Dov Eichenwald, including books written by former Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon, Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid, journalist Ben Caspit, singer Yehoram Gaon and Major-General (res.) Giora Eiland. They took Eichenwald with them for questioning at the offices of the Lahav 433 investigation unit, and left the publishing house with boxes filled with documents as if they were a delivery company.

What sparked this whole affair were 31 pages, two chapters written before Olmert began serving his jail sentence, which were handed over to the publishing house much earlier. Are these two chapters the reason Olmert was accused last week of jeopardizing the state’s security? Are they the reason he was forced to face the representative of the State Attorney's Office, attorney Orly Lev Ari, and say in a shaky voice: “I’m ashamed when I hear that you’ve turned me into a traitor”?

Well, it’s not Olmert who should be ashamed. It’s the attorney general, the state attorney, the State Attorney’s Office and the law enforcement officials who made this possible. They don’t have the proper security clearance to know what I have done for the state’s security, Olmert said to his associates. They could all sense the distress he was in. He may be corrupt, but how can he be called a traitor?

The claim that he had put the state’s security at risk was so ridiculous that five investigators were sent to carry out the mission, and they didn’t do it on behalf of the Director of Security of the Defense Establishment, despite the initial claim. Without addressing a certain operation or another, prime ministers are the ones who approve the different operations and they are the ones who can declare them confidential or non-confidential. Theoretically, if we choose to discuss Olmert, he could have chosen to publish the operations and decisions he made during his term, even on his last day in the Prime Minister’s Office. Even at the end of his term, when his political situation was grim, Olmert chose not to say a thing, although his political advisors pleaded with him to do so. It will help your image, they said. Olmert refused.

Olmert has been writing his book since 2009. Parts of it were published in Yedioth Ahronoth. The chapter under discussion has been written several times. He has been negotiating with the censorship for a long time, including the last time he went on leave, when he met with the chief censor. The claim presented by the State Attorney’s Office, that he has been writing the book to fund his legal expenses, is ridiculous. Olmert has far better reasons to write the book, and the State Attorney’s Office has far better reasons to be concerned about its publication than any security-related revelations.

Olmert clearly violated his agreement with the Israel Prison Service (IPS), to hand over every single document for their examination. He did it out of the same arrogance we are familiar with, the disregard for procedures, and perhaps even disregard for the prison’s managers. But the argument that transferring a chapter from the book “to different unauthorized elements outside the prison raises concerns of an information leak that could cause serious damage to the state’s security” is an insult to the intelligence of anyone who hears this claim.

According to people familiar with the details, there is nothing in the pages that have were transferred that has not appeared in books written by former US President George W. Bush, former Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and others, and in articles and interviews published over the years. The only classified document found in his cell was a protocol of a conference call between Olmert, former Attorney General Menachem Mazuz and Cabinet Secretary Israel Maimon in 2006, in which Mazuz informed Olmert that Prime Minister Ariel Sharon had collapsed and that Olmert would become acting prime minister—a conversation which has already been published.

Quite a few operations, which are also attributed to Israel, have taken place in Syria since that alleged Israeli strike, including bombings of Hezbollah convoys and an attack on an airport. Those operations could have led to retaliation, but that never happened. So why should it happen now?

And in general, it’s so hypocritical to accuse Olmert of disclosing secret security information, when there is a woman in the current prime minister’s residence who has insisted on sitting in on her husband’s secret meetings with heads of the defense establishment. There is one case we know about, in which late Mossad Director Meir Dagan refused to speak while Sara Netanyahu was still in the room, as he himself revealed. It’s quite possible that there were other incidents in which she did remain in the room, as the people who arrived to discuss top secret security issues with Netanyahu wouldn’t dare to ask her to leave. Where were all those people last week, when Olmert was treated like a traitor?

Olmert is just the symptom. The troubling thing is that the gatekeepers are increasingly becoming the government’s servants. The Miri Regev state is already here. Every day, we witness a new command from the thought commissars: Cancelling shows, introducing an ethical code for universities, raiding a publishing house and confiscating documents.

Several weeks ago, I wrote that something bad was happening to our law enforcement system, that the public’s trust in this system is being undermined. From the State Attorney’s Office, which made every effort to degrade Judge Hila Gerstl and make her resign from her position as prosecutorial oversight commissioner; through the affair involving former Tel Aviv chief prosecutor Ruth David, whose conduct has yet to be examined despite serious revelations; to the attorney general, who is missing the point of one his most important missions, which is to increase and strengthen the public’s trust in the legal system and in the law enforcement system, and he is definitely failing to do so in his conduct in the different Netanyahu investigations.

State Attorney Nitzan. The State Attorney’s Office has far better reasons to be concerned about the book’s publication than any security-related revelations (Photo: Motti Kimchi)

I mentioned that after the IPS celebrated the “snack trap” they set for Marwan Barghouti, they rushed to celebrate the discovery of a few documents Olmert had transferred through his lawyer, a manuscript which would anyway have to receive the censorship’s approval. And it happened shortly before the IPS parole board’s announcement on whether Olmert would be granted an early release.

And surprisingly, the document affair broke out shortly before the parole board meeting, although the IPS has no authority to discuss whether Olmert jeopardized state security and this affair should not be mixed with the decision to grant him an early release. According to his associates, the former prime minister has already been punished for violating his agreements with the IPS: He has been denied visits and two leave requests. He met his wife Aliza last week for the first time in two months at the Sheba Medical Center, where he was hospitalized. His physical condition is run down and he is depressed.

His associates say he is suffering from personal harassment. People at the State Attorney’s Office, one of the associates says, confiscated the book and read details that put their jobs at risk, because Olmert settles his score with them there, including stories which have never been told. As long as Olmert is in jail, he adds, the book’s publication will be postponed. And until then, who knows what will happen. I believe enough is enough. Even right-wing politicians like Ministers Yuval Steinitz and Ayelet Shaked, think that Olmert has paid his debt. The parole board will convene again on Thursday to deliver its decision on his early release. Let’s hope it will do the right thing. If anyone has any suspicions against Olmert on security issues, they should go to the police once Olmert is an ordinary citizen capable of dealing with the claims. Anything else would be considered personally-motivated persecution.

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Netanyahu’s empty real estate gestures

In 2014, when the previous Netanyahu government was negotiating with the Palestinian Authority, the Israeli delegation presented a proposal to allot 30,000 or 35,000 dunams in the Palestinian cities’ suburbs for the purpose of building residential neighborhoods for the local population. The lands belonged to Area C, which is under full Israeli security control, and are inside the IDF fence surrounding the city.

It’s an old plan. They began working on it about six years ago, in light of the congestion in West Bank cities and the needs of negotiations. The 2014 version was formulated by the IDF, in the Civil Administration, in accordance with the political echelon’s instructions. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and then-Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon were aware of the plan and approved it. Netanyahu, however, has his own method that serves him in every issue on the agenda: He supports a move with his left hand and disassociates himself from it with his right hand, or the other way around—he disassociates himself with his left hand and supports with his right hand.

In that negotiation, former minister Tzipi Livni was the left hand and attorney Isaac Molho was the right hand. Livni’s job was to advance the negotiations; Molho’s job was to play for time. Netanyahu held both positions simultaneously. He approved the proposal in principle, but not concretely. In other words, Livni was given the green light while Molho was given the red light. They clashed when Livni started discussing numbers.

Netanyahu (R) and Trump. The US president will be thrilled by the Qalqilya construction plan, and by the time he understands what’s going on, the gesture will fade away (Photo: Ohad Zwigenberg)

American special envoy Martin Indyk knew about the proposal. It was first and foremost intended for him—to prove to the Obama administration that Netanyahu is willing to concede lands again. This is another area Netanyahu is consistent in: In English, behind closed doors, he promises the world; in Hebrew, in front of the cameras, he holds on to every lump of earth. This was the game he played then, and it’s even more intense now, as he deals with the Trump administration’s expectations on the one hand, and with the ultra-rightist ministers in his government on the other hand. When the trick succeeds, he was the first to identify; when the trick meets resistance, he was the first to forget. That plan ended with nothing, because of the Palestinians. Mahmoud Abbas reached an agreement with Hamas. The agreement died shortly after it was born, but it killed the negotiations on the way. When we asked the prime minister’s spokespeople about it last week, they blamed Livni.

The need for gestures to impress the Americans was raised again ahead of Jared Kushner and Jason Greenblatt’s return visit to Israel. Kushner, US President Donald Trump’s son-in-law, and Greenblatt, his special envoy, are real estate people. So is Trump, of course. Real estate will impress them. The IDF was asked to come up with a real estate gesture. Like other gestures, it was supposed to disappear before it ever has a chance to take off the ground.

The chosen city was Qalqilya. Its advantage is that there is a large land reserve within the fence surrounding the city—lands belonging to Palestinian owners. The disadvantage is the proximity to Israeli communities. People settled in Tzofim so they could live five minutes away from Kfar Saba and pay less. No one told them they were living two minutes away from Qalqilya. At the moment, there are 1,000 housing units in the area. According to Civil Administration estimates, by 2035—18 years from now—it will be possible to build 5,000 more apartments there, assuming the plan is implemented. Trump will be thrilled, and by the time he understands what’s going on, the gesture will fade away. Samaria Regional Council head Yossi Dagan immediately cried out. Dagan has strongholds in the Likud and Bayit Yehudi parties. The ministers panicked, causing Netanyahu to panic too: He recalled approving something for Qalqilya, but without numbers. His associates explained it wasn’t him—it was the IDF.

Major-General Yoav Mordechai. The little boy sticking his finger in the hole that government ministers, including Netanyahu, are drilling in the dike on a daily basis (Photo: IDF Spokesperson’s Unit)

A campaign was immediately launched against the treacherous IDF. The participants were Ministers Ze’ev Elkin, Uri Ariel and Miri Regev and Knesset Member Moti Yogev. Jordan Valley Regional Council head David Alhaini accused the IDF of attempting a military coup, no less. “Senior” ministers, meaning one junior minister who was afraid to state his name, told right-wing journals that “the IDF misled the cabinet.” The ministers directed their attacks at one military official—Maj. Gen. Yoav Mordechai, the coordinator of the government’s activities in the territories (COGAT). For three years now, Mordechai has been serving as Israel’s bridge to the Palestinian leadership, to the donor states and to the Arab world. He is the little boy who is sticking his finger in the hole that the government ministers, including Netanyahu, are drilling in the dike on a daily basis. Whoever thinks an IDF general can offer lands to anyone without the political echelon’s approval is living in Neverland, not in the State of Israel. One of the protestors was Minister Elkin, a member of the Security Cabinet. He was abroad when the decision was made. On June 15, he sent a letter to Netanyahu and Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman. “Advancing the plan is, in my opinion, an attempt by the IDF’s top echelon to shape a new reality behind the political echelon’s back,” he wrote. Where Elkin came from, the Soviet Union, such a letter would lead to a staged trial, and then an execution by a firing squad, guilty or not guilty. I told him that a few days ago. He said I was exaggerating. The answer arrived from the defense minister. “Attack me,” Lieberman suggested, taking full responsibility for the Qalqilya gesture. Elkin, I must say, rushed to apologize to Mordechai on the radio, but his opinion hasn’t changed. “I called the two closest people to Netanyahu and Lieberman,” he told me. “They both gave me the same answer: When the report was published, they asked their assistants to check its source. Both Bibi and Yvette didn’t know.” Elkin knows there is nothing new in the plan. It’s the procedure that bothers him. “The question is to what extent can the cabinet be fooled,” he said. He claims that the meeting's minutes reveal the ministers were lied to. They were told that the plan was to whitewash existing construction, not new construction. Who lied, I asked. “I don’t know,” he said. “I wasn’t there.” You’re acting all innocent, I said. You’re attacking Mordechai and Lieberman because you’re afraid to directly attack Netanyahu. Elkin wasn’t offended. “It’s clear Netanyahu knew,” he said calmly, “but he was probably not too interested.”

With all due respect to the procedure, what troubles him and his friends is who will sit on the piece of real estate known as Area C. In his letter, he complains that the Palestinians are about to get an approval to build, while the settlers are hardly getting any permits. The Palestinians are receiving benefits; the settlers are being deprived. “This is a reality of serious discrimination against the needs of the Israeli settlement in Judea and Samaria,” he writes.

George Orwell wouldn’t have said it better.

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Whether we like it or not, non-Orthodox Jews are our brethren

The government made two dramatic decisions this week on the complex relationship between the people living in Zion and the Diaspora Jewry: It cancelled the plan to construct an egalitarian section at the Western Wall and approved the Conversion Bill. These two moves deepen the ultra-Orthodox monopoly over Judaism in Israel and are another layer in the divorce certificate being drawn up by the State of Israel for millions of Jews in the Diaspora.

There are many serious errors in the discourse that has developed about the non-Orthodox Jewish movements. Some are the result of ignorance, others are the result of unfamiliarity with the issue and some are tactical mistakes. Here are the common misconceptions:

“They are only a tiny part of the Jewish people”—That’s not true. They may be a small minority in Israel, but there are many of them among the Diaspora Jewry, amounting to millions of Jews around the world.

Reform Jews praying near the Western Wall. They’re not waiting for ‘legitimization’ (Photo: Y.R.)

“They support Israel’s enemies”—That’s an embarrassing case of ignorance: They are a majority among the supporters of the AIPAC organization and a majority among the donors of the Jewish Federations, which transfer hundreds of millions of dollars to Israel every year.

“They must not be given any recognition”—If we fail to recognize reality, will it change? If we refuse to acknowledge that water boils at 100°C, will it start boiling at 80°C?

“They assimilate”—Unfortunately, the entire Diaspora Jewry assimilates, but studies show that belonging to non-Orthodox communities actually moderates the assimilation.

“They are disappearing”—Like all the demographic forecasts about Israel and the Palestinians, this one has also been proven incorrect for now: At the moment, they include millions of Jews around the world. We don’t know what will happen in two generations from now, and prophecy is for fools. By the way, if it’s true and they really are disappearing, it’s terrible, and that’s exactly why we should not estrange ourselves from them.

"They go against the Halacha”—That’s usually true, and it distresses me very much. It would make me happy if they accepted my opinion. In the meantime, they are refusing to do so.

“We can’t have every rabbi acting independently”—Why not? It worked very well for about 2,000 years. Rabbis must be independent rather than subject to politicians. Judaism has no pope. The attempt to subjugate all communities and rabbis to one halachic authority is a sensational and unprecedented innovation (what we like to call a “reform”).

“They must not be given any legitimization”—Believe me, they’re not asking for our permission. The thought that any of them is waiting for “legitimization” points to lack of self-awareness more than anything else.

Personally, I see the Halacha and the preservation of tradition as the core of Judaism and as the essence of the Jewish religion. The non-Orthodox outlook is far away from my own. It goes against the depth of my faith and contradicts the basis of my way of life. But whether I like it or not, these are my brethren. They are the brethren.

Rabbi Ilai Ofran is the rabbi of Kibbutz Kvutzat Yavne.

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A window of opportunity in Gaza

With Hamas marking its 10th year in power recently, tensions are again running high in the Gaza Strip. This is due to the severe humanitarian crisis there and Hamas’ current isolation in the Arab world. First Qatar, Hamas’ main patron in the Arab World, declared its dissociation from the Gaza Strip and left Hamas behind without political and financial support. Then, in Ramallah, an emboldened Mahmoud Abbas embarked upon a new round in his political fight against Hamas and decided, in his latest move, to reduce payments for electricity supply to the Gaza Strip.

Ultimately, Israel implemented Abbas’ decision and thereby jeopardized its own security interests—namely keeping the humanitarian situation in Gaza in check and easing the tension with Hamas. But after a decade of Hamas rule and three rounds of violence, Israel’s policy towards the Gaza Strip has ended up in a deadlock again. “Abbas is trying to drag Hamas into a war with Israel,” Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman stated in the recent Herzliya Conference. But identifying the electricity crisis as an “internal Palestinian dispute” left Jerusalem, in Lieberman’s eyes, with no choice but to follow Abbas’ decision and to put heavy pressure on Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

Israel can find common ground with Egypt and other Sunni states in stabilizing Gaza, weakening Hamas and relieving it from the burden of responsibility over the coastal strip (Photo: Reuters)

Amounted pressure on Hamas has in the past indeed led to confrontations with Israel. It relieved the organization from internal mismanagement and united the population again in a joint fight of resistance. But in the current isolation of Hamas lies an opportunity—a chance to change the picture in Gaza together with regional and international actors. It is in their own interest to become involved, once they understand the possible outcomes of Hamas being under pressure this time: With no patron in the Arab world, Hamas has already reached out to Iran for political and financial support. Only recently have Hamas officials met representatives of Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in Lebanon and debated reconciliation; shortly, Ismail Haniyeh is set to visit Tehran and deepen the relationship.

Besides the possibility of increased Iranian influence in the south of Israel, the second scenario is related to yet another war between Israel and Hamas. Defense Minister Lieberman has repeatedly declared, that in any future war the IDF will “completely destroy” Hamas’ rule in Gaza. Such an outcome will most likely lead to the empowerment of radical Jihadi elements in the Gaza strip (Islamic Jihad, ISIS), rather than the return of the long absent Palestinian Authority—if such an illusion still exists.

It is clear that both scenarios—a Hamas supported by Iran and the empowerment of radical Islamic movements in Gaza—should not only concern Jerusalem, but also Egypt and other “pragmatic” Sunni states in the region. And it is here, where Israel can find common ground in stabilizing Gaza, weakening Hamas and relieving it from the burden of responsibility over the coastal strip. With a new US administration that is determined in its fight against terrorism and has declared its hard stance on Iran, such an approach would also find Washington’s support.

In order to use this window of opportunity for a regional approach with international support, the process must rely on three principals: First, selected regional (e.g. the Gulf Cooperation Council, Egypt) and international actors (e.g. the United Nations, the European Union) will engage in designated projects in the Gaza Strip, aimed at relieving the humanitarian suffering and promoting development in housing, agriculture and education. Israel would pre-approve these projects beforehand and monitor their development in process.

Photo: EPA

Second, for this purpose Israel will ease its blockade on Gaza for the delivery of agreed-upon materials into the Strip. Since the regional and international organizations are not interested in strengthening Hamas, they will guarantee that the purpose of the end use is met. The mechanism would, additionally, allow Israel to remain in its current control position of the Gaza borders; consequently, regional and international aid should enter Gaza through Israel (Ashdod, Kerem Shalom) and, possibly at a later stage, through a Gaza port.

Third, Israel will, of course, retain its freedom of action against targets that may threaten its national security (such as border-crossing tunnels, weapon factories, etc.).

In general, such a process would aim at widening the disagreements between Hamas’ military wing and the movement’s political leadership, helping the population on the ground and pushing the organization to a path of modernization. In concrete, this policy has three valuable benefits: First, money and investment create dependencies (carrots) that Hamas would carefully contemplate before losing them in just another war. Additionally, Hamas will be less prepared to risk Israeli retaliation in a situation where brethren Arabs from neighboring states as well as Western institutions are heavily engaged in reconstruction. And ultimately, such an international engagement in Gaza would relieve Israel of some of its responsibilities there, while giving it the upper-hand in security matters.

Changing the situation in Gaza in a joint regional and Israeli effort can serve as a litmus test for the widely debated approximation of “pragmatic” Sunni Arab countries to Israel, especially amid reports that Israel and Saudi Arabia are considering the opening of an overt economic cooperation.

It is in Israel's interest to use the current window of opportunity as a deliberate decision for its own national security. And Israel should take the chance now—before the next war breaks out, before the regional landscape changes and before inter-Arab power games condemn Israel to stand on the sidelines again.

Hannes Pichler is a guest research associate and Ofek Ish Maas a research assistant at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) in Tel Aviv. This op-ed represents the authors' own personal opinion.

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A state denying its own people

A state denying its own people

Op-ed: The government took a historic agreement on the Western Wall and threw it in the faces of millions of Jews around the world. In an anti-Zionist move, it proved to its people—and to its enemies—that Israel is no longer the Jewish people’s state.

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Europe must stop funding demonization of Israel

About a year ago, the Ramallah-based Popular Art Center staged a musical performance for “the Palestinian martyrs,” titled “No to laying down guns.” There is nothing new here. This is the “education to peace” that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas declared in his meeting with US President Donald Trump. Abbas declared, and the European Union is paying in funding for the center. The more interesting thing is that the grant was given as part of a special project for “increasing Palestinian public awareness of EU core values.”

Particularly large funding, of €2.5 million, was given to the Women’s Center for Legal Aid and Counseling (WCLAC). One of the senior employees of the WCLAC is Manal Tamimi. Tamimi propagates anti-Semitic cartoons, often defines Israel as a Nazi state, and her tweets include content such as “Vampire Zionist celebrating by drinking Palestinian bloods” and “I do hate Israel, I do hate Zionism, I wish a third intifada coming soon and people raise up and kills all these Zionist settlers everywhere.”

Do European taxpayers know that their money is funding anti-Semitic incitement and encouragement of terrorism? Probably not. But the EU knows (Archive photo: Citizenside.com)

Furthermore, dozens of Palestinians NGOs which support the BDS movement have the support of European countries, the European Union and other foundations. Do European taxpayers know that their money is funding anti-Semitic incitement and encouragement of terrorism? Probably not. But the EU knows. A parliamentary question on the issue was submitted at the European Parliament, and the NGO Monitor organization sent a letter to the EU foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, specifying the activities the EU funds were used for. The Delegation of the European Union to Israel said in response that the EU was against incitement and anti-Semitism, and that funding was only provided for the goals defined in the projects.

Admittedly, there are already signs of change. On May 17, the European Parliament decided to “ensure that no EU funding can be directly or indirectly diverted to terrorist organizations or activities that incite these acts.” More importantly, about two weeks ago the same parliament adopted the working definition of anti-Semitism which clarifies, once and for all, that demonization, drawing comparisons of contemporary Israeli policy to that of the Nazis and denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination are anti-Semitism. All the bodies supporting the BDS movement fall into this definition.

There have been interesting developments in other countries in Europe. Only last week, the Swiss Council of States voted in favor of a resolution to prevent funding to NGOs involved in anti-Israel incitement, racism and anti-Semitism, after a similar resolution was adopted by the Swiss Parliament in March. The Swiss Council of States’ resolution explicitly mentioned the BDS campaign. Norway and Denmark are holding back budgets too, following the hard work of the NGO Monitor organization. Germany is one of the only countries in Europe which keeps funding the demonization without a hint of self-criticism.

The right to receive a donation as part of the freedom of association is recognized in the countries’ laws. That doesn’t mean that a country should agree to any kind of foreign meddling. In 2007, Australian Foreign Affairs Minister Alexander Downer rejected a Saudi donation to help fund an Islamic center. In 2010, Norwegian Foreign Minister Jonas Gahr Støre made it clear to the Saudis that his country would gladly accept their donation for the establishment of two mosques, as long as the Norwegians would be able to donate money for the establishment of two churches in Saudi Arabia. The Saudis gave up.

A report on the link between Saudi funding of mosques and the support of jihadi terrorist groups was submitted to the British government only recently. France and Germany are also considering banning foreign funding of mosques. In other words, there is no constitutional principle in international law which requires a country to accept a grant from any foreign element.

Like in Israel, there are active civil organizations in Western countries too. Britain, for example, has the Stop the War Coalition (StWC). Code Pink: Women for Peace is a US-based NGO that is active against the American involvement in wars and has participated in aid flotillas to Gaza. Iraqi Veterans Against the War (IVAW) helps whistle-blowers like Chelsea (Bradley) Manning, and the Center for Justice and Accountability (CJA) works to prosecute war criminals. The Federation of Expellees (BdV) is active in Germany for the rights of refugees who were expelled after World War II.

Like in Israel, these bodies have been playing in the political field. British Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn was associated with StWC; one of Code Pink’s leaders, Jodie Evans, was a fundraising bundler for former US President Barack Obama; and Erika Steinbach, a former BdV president, is a member of the Bundestag on behalf of the ruling party, the Christian Democratic Union.

The difference is that not a single foreign state or the EU would dare fund these organizations. The CJA organization, like Breaking the Silence, receives funding from George Soros’ Open Society Institute, but takes pride in the fact that there is no state funding. These bodies receive no foreign funding because there are things that are considered “unthinkable.” It’s definitely unacceptable, to say the least, for Israel to would allow foreign funding to an organization like Baladna, which encourages resistance to national or military service and fosters the “right of return.” Not everything that the law does not forbid is acceptable between countries—unless is has to do with Israel.

Sweden and Germany don’t donate to such organizations in the world, but they do donate to such organizations in Israel. That is a double standard in all its glory. Yet Germany keeps condemning Israel on NGO issues instead of engaging in self-examination over the fact that Germany itself, as well as the EU, donate to bodies that deny Israel’s actual right to exist.

So what should Israel do in light of the tens of millions of dollars funding the incitement propaganda and/or the denial of Israel’s right to exist? Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu presented an initiative last week to ban donations from foreign states to Israeli NGOs. That’s a comprehensive proposal. It seems, however, that the resolutions adopted in Europe actually point at the right way to go. And even if Europe itself is failing to implement its own resolutions, Israel should implement them when it comes to NGOs that are active in Israel. For that purpose, it must adopt the rules set in the working definition of anti-Semitism, which was adopted by the European Parliament and is in line with the Swiss Parliament’s resolutions.

Israel cannot stop the EU or Germany from funding organizations that support terror or the BDS movement and operate outside Israel. Israel can act, however, when it comes to bodies operating inside Israel. A normal country can’t allow donations that fund, whether directly or indirectly, the campaign to destroy that same country.

Europe is not an enemy. On the contrary, trade relations are thriving and our cooperation with the EU is growing in many fields. It seems, however, that when Europe condemns anti-Semitism on the windshield, it funds bodies that create the demonization on the rear window. In the past, Europe was involved in the demonization of the Jews. Today, Europe is funding the demonization of the Jewish state. Needless to say, this article wouldn’t have been written had Europe been funding bodies—both on the Israeli side and on the Palestinian side—that advance peace and reconciliation. But it’s the other way around: Europe is funding demonization.

There is no need to change the rules of the game. On the contrary, the acceptable rules between democratic countries should be implemented. The double standards must end. Liberal parties in Europe should actually be working to halt the funding of organizations infected with incitement and anti-Semitism, because the demonization campaign is the enemy of peace. It increases hatred, it encourages incitement, it bolsters the fundamentalist elements among the Palestinians. The Swiss Parliament and the European Parliament have already adopted resolutions in the right direction. It’s time for all of Europe, including Germany, to adopt this direction.

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New generation of Hilltop Youth: Less ideology, more anti-state activity

New generation of Hilltop Youth: Less ideology, more anti-state activity

Analysis: The main targets of ‘price tag’ perpetrators in recent weeks have been Israel’s security forces—the Shin Bet, the IDF and the police—rather than the Palestinians.

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In state of panic, Syrian army tosses rules of caution aside

The Syrian army in the Quneitra area was in a state of panic Saturday. A number of Syrian rebel organizations, based in villages near the Israeli-Syrian border, launched an offensive on the City of Baath, a town controlled by the Syrian army. The villages and towns around it are part of Syrian President Bashar Assad’s domain—the area held by the Syrian regime. The eastern Quneitra area is particularly important to the region as it controls the strategic road between Damascus, the Jordanian border and the city of Daraa. Control of this road provides easy access to the Syrian capital.

IAF hits a Syrian tank following Saturday’s errant fire (Photo: IDF’s Spokesperson’s Unit)

If the rebels manage to reach this road and the area controlling it, they will be able to sabotage the Assad regime’s main effort. The regime is currently working with Hezbollah and Iranian forces to reoccupy the city of Daraa, which is the key for controlling southeastern Syria and the Jordanian border. We should remember in this context that the Syrian rebels receive a large part of their supplies from Jordan, and Daraa is where the revolt against the Assad regime began about six years ago.

UN observers in the Quneitra area (Photo: EPA)

Saturday’s offensive on the City of Baath and the area controlled by the Syrian army east of Quneitra was launched by Salafi Islamist organizations, led by an al-Qaeda-affiliated organization called Tahrir al-Sham (The Organization for the Liberation of the Levant), which is basically the al-Nusra front in a new name. The offensive was carried out in cooperation with other Islamist rebel organizations, and it threatens to reduce the area controlled by the Syrian army near the strategic route to Damascus.

 

 

It’s important to be aware of these details to understand why the Syrian army tossed aside all its rules of caution and fired at the rebel forces it was attacked by, without considering the fact the fire could spill over into Israel. The Syrian army usually avoids firing into Israeli territory, knowing how rapidly and aggressively Israel will response as part of its policy not to allow any fire or violation of sovereignty on its territory.

This Israeli policy stems from the understanding that failure to respond aggressively to any spillover into Israeli territory, even an unintentional spillover, will be interpreted as a violation of Israeli sovereignty, and could turn from a drizzle into a flood, not to mention wearing out the Israeli deterrence in the Golan Heights. Israel, therefore, has made it a point to respond to any incident of this kind to indicate that it considers it a red line that must not be crossed. The Syrians know this, which is why the Syrian army tries to refrain from firing into Israeli territory so as not to be subject to a tough Israeli retaliation using airstrikes or artillery bombardments, which it can’t really stop.

sraeli travelers in the Golan Heights, Saturday (Photo: EPA)

As Israel knew IDF activity could prompt a Syrian counterattack, farmers and vacationers were evacuated as a precaution before the retaliation was carried out. There is still a possibility the Syrians will respond, and the IDF is preparing for any scenario. It's important to note, however, that the Syrian army is well aware of the fact its aerial and ground abilities are completely inferior to the IDF’s abilities in the Golan Heights, and is therefore honoring the red line set by Israel.

The area hit by mortar shells from Syria (Photo: Avihu Shapira)

Saturday’s errant fire was unusual from two aspects: First, it included an unusual amount of 10 mortar shells and tank projectiles that landed in an open area in Israel, as opposed to the usual spillover of one or two mortar shells. Saturday’s incident also included direct tank fire, and the shooters were perfectly aware of the fact the shells would hit Israeli territory.

Syrian rebel fighters prepare to fire mortar shells towards forces loyal to Assad, Saturday (Photo: Reuters)

Second, there were thousands of Israeli travelers in the Golan Heights when the Syrian mortars were fired, and they could have gotten hurt. The Syrians, who are watching our area at all times, were aware—or at least should have been aware—of that fact, which is why the Israeli response was unusually severe.

Photo: Reuters

The Syrian opposition says the Israeli attack was carried out by a helicopter and destroyed two tanks and a heavy machine gun post in the Quneitra area. An official source in the Syrian army said several people had been killed in the Israeli strike.

It remains unclear whether the incident has come to an end, for two reasons: First of all, the rebels are still attacking the Syrian army and have broken through the Syrian lines in several places. Second, the Syrians usually don’t react immediately, but rather wait and weigh their options before making any decisions, and possibly consult the Russians and the Iranians too. The next 24 hours, therefore, will be critical.

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Domestic violence must be treated like terrorism

Violence against women can be defined as terrorism carried out by half of mankind against the other half. This terrorism is the explained in the undermining of the man’s position: The masters attack their “slaves” for daring to rear their heads and jeopardize the advantage they acquired many generations ago. This phenomenon is particularly common in societies where there is a clash between two trends: Women’s emancipation movement versus the values of the patriarchal family.

The murder of women is the most radical expression of this despicable phenomenon and is derived from it. For the murderous outburst to take place, however, there is a need for a fuse, which is the murderer’s narcissist personality, serious violence in the family he came from, or a cultural background which drives him to “avenge” what he perceives as unforgivable dishonor towards him.

Understanding the motives, the personal pathology and the social pathology is important for the development of prevention measures, just like understanding the reproduction and distribution system of viruses is required for the development of vaccinations, and just like understanding the historical and cultural motives of Muslim terrorists may help exterminate them.

The new norm should be simple and decisive: Anyone who raises a hand against his spouse even once will be treated as an explosive device (Photo: Shutterstock)

This analogy must be expanded, however: Violence against women is not a defect that can sit around and wait patiently to be repaired, but a real war. And like in any other war, you don’t debate and you don’t investigate the roots of the hostility, but you recruit all available resources and hit the enemy.

Had we addressed violence against woman as an epidemic or as a terror offensive on half of mankind, we would have declared a state of emergency and used harsh measures against it. The measures include changing the perception through education, an efficient implementation of the law and urgently helping women who are being threatened. But the change is slow, the legal system is complicated, and there is much more awareness to suspicious objects than to the urgent danger a threatened woman is subject to.

When there is an epidemic or a wave of terror, we usually divert budgets that were allotted to missions that are not as urgent, and the same should be done in the field of education. For example, we should consider whether the education on gender equality isn’t more important, or at least equally important, than other matters related to the ideological battle for the Jewish perception.

The group therapy for violent men who wish to change their behavior is pretty efficient, but in the entire country there are only about 100 centers for the prevention of domestic violence, which also treat violent men, and the total number of patients in all of them is only several hundred a year. Most of them are not treated voluntarily, but because it’s an alternative to imprisonment. Only few of those who complete the small number of meetings imposed by the court agree to keep going to therapy out of a sincere desire to better their ways. There is a high chance that those who settle for the short treatment will go back to their old habits.

Some 2,500 prisoners, about one-sixth of the criminal prisoners in Israel’s jails, have been convicted over acts of violence against women, and the overwhelming majority abused or harmed women in their domestic circle. For most prisoners, this is not their first jail term, and some of them have been jailed six times following similar offenses. The number of families caught in the circle of violence is estimated at tens of thousands, and maybe even 200,000. These facts make a mockery of the claim that society is putting an effort into curbing the wave of violence against women.

There is a need for more social workers specializing in domestic violence and more hours of therapy for men who wish to quell their violence. There is a need for more skilled police officers in this field, and men who are considered ticking bombs must be locked up for many years. The new norm should be simple and decisive: Woe to anyone who raises a hand against his spouse even once. In light of the state of emergency we are in, we will treat him as an explosive device.

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Terrorism is winning in Europe

Terrorism is winning in Europe

Op-ed: Victory on Western-based violent Islamism will only be achieved when Muslim communities reject any manifestation of religious-political fanaticism in a firm and uncompromising manner.

Nadav Eyal|Published:  23.06.17 , 23:46

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And the Jerusalem construction freeze goes on

Officials at the Prime Minister’s Office insisted again this week that there are no building restrictions in Jerusalem. Reality, however, says otherwise. Half a year has passed since Donald Trump was sworn in as president in the United States, and construction plans in Jerusalem are still deep in the national freezer.

Take, for example, the construction plan in Givat Hamatos, which is located between Talpiot and Gilo. This plan, which has been under discussion for years, is vital for Jerusalem. The plan, which includes the construction of 3,000 housing units, 600 of them for the young residents of the Arab town of Beit Safafa, is stuck in the District Planning and Building Committee. This committee, like the Jerusalem Municipality’s local planning committee, is receiving messages from the Prime Minister’s Office. Not directly from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, but through the National Security Council. They are basically telling them: Don’t discuss this now. There’s a visit. It’s sensitive. Discuss it in two weeks. In two months. In six months. Later and later and later. And this is how construction is created in practice.

The Jerusalem neighborhood of Pisgat Ze’ev, where 300 housing units on the main street have been stuck for two years (Photo: EPA)

“Everything that has to do with construction beyond the Green Line is stuck in the Prime Minister’s Office. That’s where it stops,” a senior Finance Ministry official told me this week. “I find it hard to believe that Netanyahu will approve Givat Hamatos, not even after Trump. It’s sensitive.”

Things are sensitive in the heart of Pisgat Ze’ev too. Three hundred housing units on Moshe Dayan Street, the neighborhood’s main road, have been stuck for two years. The contractor is losing his mind. So are municipality officials. “Our young generation is fleeing the city,” Deputy Mayor Meir Turgeman, who is in charge of the construction portfolio, said this week. “We are being told that there is no freeze, but the plans are stuck in the district committee. Before the Trump era, I used to receive all kinds of messages to avoid discussing certain plans. I’m no sucker. I advanced them anyway. And then it got stuck in the Housing Ministry or in the district committee. After Trump’s election, I felt a little less pressure, and I started trying to further plans that were stuck. It’s not working. The district committee is simply not bringing them up for discussion.” Arieh King, a Jerusalem Council member and director of the Israel Land Fund (ILF), has come up with creative ways to go around the construction freeze in the city. In Beit Hanina, the neighborhood bordered by Pisgat Ze’ev, only one kilometer away from the 300 frozen housing units on Moshe Dayan Street, construction plans are being approved and advanced freely. The ILF bought lands in Beit Hanina, but avoided registering them. It waited for the construction plan on the land to be approved, and only then registered the conveyance of the land from Arabs to Jews. “That’s the way to build today in Jerusalem beyond the Green Line—to submit plans as an Arab,” King explains. “If you’re a Jew, you’ll be stopped. That’s how we’re marketing the Nof Shmuel neighborhood in Beit Hanina, which will include 150 housing units.” Similarly, the construction of 300 housing units in Gilo has been frozen, but King has managed to advance construction in the outskirts of Beit Safafa, just one kilometer away, using the same methods. Construction hasn’t been frozen everywhere in Jerusalem beyond the Green Line. Houses are being built in Neve Yaakov and in Har Homa, and following Friday’s deadly terror attack at Nablus Gate, a few dozen units were approved this week in Har Shlomo. But there definitely are building restrictions in Jerusalem. Netanyahu posted on his Facebook page this week a picture of a tractor preparing the ground for the construction of a new community for the Amona evictees. “There has never been and there never will be a better government for the settlement,” he wrote. I wish. Let’s wait for pictures of the tractor on Givat Hamatos.

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And the Jerusalem construction freeze goes on : http://ift.tt/2rHmh8j