It will cost us

Do countries, and in particular Israel, should have moral or liberal considerations when foreign relations are concerned? This is a resonating question, and the answer, let's be frank, is not obvious.

If Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte supports Israel, why should we care he admitted killing citizens with his bare hands? Does it matter Brazil’s president-elect Jair Bolsonaro—who is an avid admirer of military dictatorship—threatens to kill left-wing activists if he says he plans to move the Brazilian embassy to Jerusalem?

Jair Bolsonaro (Photo: Getty Images, AFP)

Diplomatic relations are mainly based on interests. An everlasting attempt to educate other countries—many of them being non-democratic—is not necessarily effective, and when initiated by superpowers is rarely successful.

One example for that is the United States' conduct in the 1990s, and it is safe to assume Israel's attempts would be even less effective.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has immediate concerns: the government seeks to promote the transfer of all embassies to Jerusalem, eliminating any recognition of the Palestinian state.

Those who are willing to cooperate, including Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orbán who is considered an instigator of anti-Semitism, will be considered as legitimate.

These claims are repeatedly heard when a dictator or a leader, who was democratically elected, aspires to limit freedom in his country, but supports Israel.

Philippines President Rodrigo Duterte (Photo: AP)

 

Those claims should be addressed, since the error that appears in these assumptions is profound and has far-reaching implications.

First of all, foreign policy is not short-term based, but mainly relies on long-term relations. What will happen the day after Orbán, Duterte, US President Donald Trump and others? Does Israel have friendly relations with these leaders, or relations of public political support?

To answer this question, it would be wise to examine how leaders use Israel, and what the other political wing has to say about the Jewish State.

There is the difference between amicable ties—which Israel should maintain with every country except those tainted by war crimes and crimes against humanity—and a tight relationship that might jeopardize Israel's future once the authoritarian leader disappears.

Perhaps Israel should preserve its good relations with Duterte. However, inviting him to Israel, the only Western country in which he visited, was exactly the wild exaggeration that will cost Israel in the political arena.

For Netanyahu's government it is important that Poland halts European initiatives to promote the peace process, and in return maybe the government will be willing to help the Poles to apply pressure on the US and support them as they face Russia.

PM Netanyahu and Orbán (Photo: Reuters)

 But to jump on a humiliating compromise agreement with Warsaw regarding the historical role of Poles who collaborated with the Nazis during the Holocaust?

  

So the first mistake is short-term thinking—the willingness to immediately sell all of Israel's political assets in exchange for curbing an already unsuccessful Palestinian initiative. The second mistake is the assumption that Israel, as the state of the Jewish people, does not have the obligation of being careful, moral and practical. Moral, since as a nation persecuted for years, The Jews have always been devoted to civic and human rights, and have desperately promoted—sometimes sacrificing themselves—a liberal reality. But this conduct is also perceived as naïve, since there is an obligation of practical caution in such relations.

The reason countries seek to achieve close ties with Israel does not only stem from the fact Israel is a successful nation that has good relations with the US. By maintaining a friendship and a partnership with the Jewish State, those countries are provided with the tools to clean themselves.

And this is precisely why the Jewish people must act with moral caution, since the persecuted Jews made sure to promote the liberal values of enlightenment. The obligation of acting with caution means not to destroy something that can be of value to Israel, not for Brazil nor for Hungary.

Eyal Nadav is the foreign news editor-in-chief on Channel 10 news.  

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Like lamb to rupture

The Jewish people are being torn apart over the Pittsburgh shooting. It allows us a peek into the biggest fracture we have known since the divergence between the Kingdom of Judah and the Kingdom of Israel. We are being led to this disaster by the nose, by irresponsible politicos. We are being led to this disaster, but no one is leading.

On Monday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu tweeted about being one nation, and said that Jews in Pittsburgh were killed because they are Jews.

Flowers outside the Pittsburgh Synagogue (Photo: AFP)

 

This was a good response for the Chief Rabbi’s remarks, who expressed his condolences, but had a hard time designating the Conservative Jewish congregation as a 'synagogue.'

 

One of the weakest accusations, published in Haaretz Newspaper, was that Education Minister Naftali Bennett and the Israeli right are closer to the murderer than the victims. Beyond the stupidity of this claim and the horrible timing, it also shows complete ignorance when it comes to understanding Israeli society.

Bennett, who grew up in a conservative family, and Netanyahu, who spent most of his time in the US around conservative and secular communities, are closer to those communities than any secular Israeli. They understand it, speak its language and know its codes of speech and silence.

  The so called religionization that the secular forum keeps warning us about is the daily lifestyle of these American Jewish communities, as are the Jewish texts, customs and the Jewish educational system. Zionist Israel led by Netanyahu is closer to Conservative and Reform communities than to ultra-Orthodox communities. So are the lifestyles of most ministers and most Israelis.

We are being led to an absurd place: A rift that has nothing to do with our wishes and belief system, but with plain incompetence.

The split between Israel and US Jewry has two leading forces. There are two groups that have difficulty with nationalism—and thus with practical Zionism that characterizes Israel.

Women of the Wall at the Western Wall. (Photo: AP)

 

The progressive American Jews would rather live in a world where Israel is an ideal rather than a country that fights terror organizations and Gaza protesters. They prefer the notion of Tikun Olam to the reality of Israel’s Iron Dome. They prefer talks of conflict resolution to the daily management of a bloody conflict, because there is no other way.

 

The second group is the Israeli ultra-Orthodox community, who cannot handle the 70 faces of the Torah or any interpretation that isn’t the Shulchan Aruch.

They prefer "captured infants” (Tinok shenishba—Jews who sin unknowingly as a result of being raised without Judaism practices) and seculars who can live with the ultra-Orthodox seeing them as an “empty wagon”—while Orthodox carry the entire historic Jewish load.

And so, beyond the feeling of partnership, the Pittsburgh shooting caused some awkward reactions regarding the synagogue and the community that suffered.

The two groups I mentioned cannot recognize reality: they live in a world of religious and theoretic ideas, outside reality. The elected government in the Jewish state was supposed to put things in order; a Jewish state— for all Jews, just like Netanyahu said.

  It is allowed and even necessary, to argue with US Jewry about their political stance and their criticism towards Israel. If they are interested in determining Israeli policy, they are welcome to leave the luxuries of the US and make Aliyah. Here they can vote and make a difference.

An emergency debate about light-rail public works on Shabbat.

However, what we cannot do is exclude their Jewish identity and their connection to the holy places and symbols, and only allow one Jewish movement to make political moves.

The ultra-Orthodox parties are unable to be that responsible. It’s exactly like the recurring crisis about public work on Shabbat—everyone knows that crucial work happens on Shabbat, but when it comes out in the media they are left with no choice but to threaten and create a political crisis.

This is why the government is the only one who can limit the ultra-Orthodox involvement in Jewish politics, and the only one who can heal the divide— to determine a new status quo within the Jewish state and to acknowledge we are not alone in the Jewish world. Forget the self-hate debate about the motives of the Nazi who murdered Jews in Pittsburgh. Arabs who murder Jews and Nazis who murder Jews are the same enemy. Anyone who tries understanding them is an accomplice, no matter who he votes for. Enemies are easy to destroy, but dangerous historical trends are a tenacious, and a lot harder to break.

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The slippery slope from Charlottesville to Pittsburgh

We should have seen it coming. The massacre in Pittsburgh, the most deadly anti-Semitic attack in American history, had its roots in Charlottesville.

Most people recall the the chaos in Charlottesville's streets: the torches, the scuffles between opposing groups, and of course, the murder of counter-protester Heather Heyer in a vehicle attack.

But a quieter, yet very menacing event occurred that same day at the Beth Israel synagogue in Charlottesville. According to the account of the synagogue president, three armed men stalked the building throughout Shabbat morning services. Their behavior was so threatening that the congregants felt compelled to leave through the back door and remove the Torah scrolls for safekeeping. Fortunately, no violence came to pass.

Memorials at the scene of the massacre (Photo: AP)

 But as that story made the rounds, accompanied by video of marchers chanting “Jews will not replace us!”, many American Jews felt something new: an actual physical insecurity. While anti-Semitism has not been absent from the American scene, and vandalism with anti-Semitic messaging is unfortunately common, cases of physical violence against Jews in synagogues have been rare. “Don't worry,” some said, “these losers just march and chant meaningless slogans. No one's going to actually attack a synagogue.” Now we know better. Think of the validation that came from hearing President Trump talk about "good people on both sides." Think of how those words empower people, whether unstable or evil, inclined to move from hate speech to violent action. I don’t mean that Trump is responsible for the shooting in Pittsburgh. The murderer bears that responsibility alone. And Trump is not an anti-Semite. But his words and signals contribute to an atmosphere in which hate against “others”—Muslims, Mexicans, gays, and yes, Jews—is normalized. A president should try to calm those tensions, not stoke them. He is not doing that.

There is anti-Semitism on the left and on the right. We should be equally clear in opposing both. The dangers of left-wing anti-Semitism are clearest in Britain, where Jeremy Corbyn could bring such views to Downing Street. But such voices are also heard on in the United States, on college campuses and from Louis Farrakhan and others. We must oppose them all.

Israelis mourn the death of the Pittsburgh massacre victims (Photo: AP)

But no one has a bigger megaphone than the President of the United States. His condemnation after the attack is not enough. He needs to make racists and anti-Semites feel like their views are unacceptable. He does the opposite. And people who make excuses for him are not listening. The idea that American Jews could be unsafe while praying in our synagogues was once unthinkable. Now, many Jewish institutions will need much tighter security. And we feel vulnerable in a way we have not before. Israeli expressions of sympathy and support have been very moving. Israelis should understand that even with the new sense of vulnerability, most American Jews continue to feel very at home in America. They believe that anti-Semitism is not something to run from, but a problem that must be solved in America, together with non-Jewish partners, of which we have many. Deputy Minister Michael Oren has suggested that the Israeli government should recognize the Reform and Conservative movements, the two streams that most American Jews belong to. I believe that should happen anyway. But it would indeed be a meaningful gesture after this attack.

The Jews killed in prayer in the Tree of Life synagogue were as Jewish as you can be—in life, and in their tragic deaths, which occurred only because they were Jews. What better way to honor them?

Daniel Shapiro is the former US ambassador to Israel and a fellow in the Institute for National Security Studies.

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The Omani way of solving Israeli-Palestinian conflict

Oman has a unique method to resolve conflicts called Sabla. This is essentially a way of mediating between the two sides seated opposite each other, which allows them to present their arguments and demands, and helps them to reach an agreement. The meeting of Sultan Qaboos bin Said—the ruler of Oman—with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu last Friday, is an attempt to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through the method of Sabla.

 

Indeed, Netanyahu arrived in Oman for a brief visit after Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas visited the country a few days earlier and presented his position on the issue. Oman's Foreign Minister Yusuf Bin Alawi, views Netanyahu's visit as "completely natural." According to Bin Alawi, the prime minister had asked the Sultan whether he could present his position on the conflict as well, and they replied: “Yallah tefadal, come.”

Sultan Qaboos bin Said and Prime Minister Netanyahu (Photo: AP)

There are courts in Oman, but the residents prefer the Sabla method. That is how they end financial disputes, arguments between ordinary citizens and the government, as well as conflicts with neighboring countries.

When Sultan Qaboos bin Said came to power 40 years ago (after his father was ousted from power), he extended the authority of the Sabla system to be used as a conflict resolution method outside of the Sultanate: between Iraq and Iran, between Saudi Arabia and Qatar, and between Saudi Arabia and Yemen.

Now, the Sultan and his foreign minister want to bring Israel and the Palestinians back to the negotiating table through the means of Sabla, and they are working together with the United States. The Palestinians can boycott the US and Trump, but they can not brush off the Sultan of Oman.

Benjamin and Sara Netanyahu during a visit in Oman

Netanyahu’s reception in Muscat was very respectful, despite the demonstrations that took place in the country against the visit of “the devil’s representative," and despite the claims made by Iran and Hamas—suggesting that Netanyahu only visited the state for a photo-op and had no serious intention to make progress on the Palestinian issue.

The front pages of all the Omani newspapers published pictures of the prime minister with the Sultan, and even images of Sara Netanyahu, who joined her husband on this trip.

As far as Oman is concerned, once they have identified an opportunity to renew negotiations—they decided to do what is necessary in order to help.

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Oman is Israel’s link to the Middle East

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Analysis: Israel and Oman have been keeping a secret channel of communications since the 1970s, but it’s only now that Sultan Qaboos is willing to reveal those ties to the world. Netanyahu’s public visit to the sultanate serves both countries: For Israel, Oman can open a door to normalizing ties with other Arab countries, while Oman gets to present itself to the West as a more moderate and liberal nation. Oman is Israel’s link to the Middle East : https://ift.tt/2AvM6zg

Iran is pressuring US using Islamic Jihad in Gaza

The Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which was behind the escalation in the Gaza Strip over the weekend, normally works in coordination with Hamas. As the second biggest and strongest military organization in Gaza, it feels responsibility towards the strip's residents and serves as a silent partner to the Hamas regime. Ideologically and religiously speaking, the Palestinian Islamic Jihad is not much different to Hamas, which is another reason for the good, close cooperation between the two factions.

  The main difference between Islamic Jihad and Hamas nowadays is mostly their relationship with Iran. Hamas receives financial support and technological aid from the Islamic Republic, despite the fact it is a Sunni organization and despite the "bad blood" between Hamas and the Ayatollah regime over the Syrian civil war. Meanwhile Islamic Jihad, which is also Sunni, has subjugated itself almost completely to Iran. Like Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad receives not just money and weapons from Tehran, but also orders. This must also be why it initiated the escalation over the weekend.

Gaza rockets launched and intercepted by Iron Dome (Photo: Reuters)

A senior security official shared that assessment, noting the organization's new leadership—which now sits in Damascus—is far more extreme than that of Ramadan Shalah, and is more devoutly serving the Iranians. And so the Gazan Islamic Jihad is trying to create a new equation according to which it would respond with rocket fire to Palestinians deaths in the riots on the strip's border. "We won't allow for a new equation of this type, and we won't let Islamic Jihad launch rockets at Israel without us responding with a heavy military blow. We also won't allow Islamic Jihad to do as it pleases with the silent consent of Hamas," the senior security official said.

So what happened this weekend to make Islamic Jihad break away from the restraint imposed by Hamas under Egyptian pressure, with the hope of improving the living conditions of the Gaza residents? The main cause was the reports on Friday that the Egyptians have finally reached understandings with Hamas to restore calm in Gaza, more or less under the same parameters put in place after the 2014 Operation Protective Edge.

IAF bombs in Gaza

Another explanation lies in Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's trip to Oman and the diplomatic talks he had there with Sultan Qaboos. Several days before Netanyahu, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas visited Oman, with Sultan Qaboos initiating this indirect dialogue between Netanyahu and Abbas and doing a great service to the American administration. The Iranians, who saw and heard the reports from Gaza and Oman, are worried the arrangement in the strip would allow the Americans to make a bigger move to present their plan to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They don't want this to happen and are doing all they can to disrupt such a move. Tehran is also trying to put pressure on the Americans to prevent US President Trump from re-imposing a second wave of sanctions on November 6, targeting the export and sale of oil. In other words, the Iranians are trying to pressure the Americans by sabotaging their interests concerning Israel, to spare themselves the harsh sanctions. It is therefore rather clear why Islamic Jihad would act against the interest of Hamas, which wants to bring the negotiations with the Egyptians to a successful end, by escalating the situation in the service of its masters in Tehran.

Rocket lands in Netiv HaAsara (Photo: Netiv HaAsara security )

The Islamic Jihad leadership also has its own reasons. All of the Palestinian factions in Gaza, and mostly Hamas and Islamic Jihad, want not only an arrangement that would lead to a truce and ease the humanitarian distress of the strip's residents, but also a victory they can claim. They want to have an arrangement on their terms, which they could present as a military triumph of the "resistance" over Israel. The Gaza factions don't want to admit that the "March of Return" campaign, which led to more than 200 Palestinian fatalities and thousands of others wounded, was a complete failure. They want to show the Palestinian blood spilled on the border was not in vain, and so they need that psychological victory. Therefore, with the arrangement closer than ever, Islamic Jihad seeks to have the final say with the final shot, thus proving the "March of Return" campaign and the arson terrorism forced Israel to accept the terms of the agreement mediated by the Egyptians.

Islamic Jihad can afford to fire that final rockets barrage because it knows Israel has made a strategic decision not to launch a wide-scale ground operation and take over the strip. And so Islamic Jihad—and Hamas—are willing to suffer serious damage to their military facilities, for the sake of that psychological victory. That way, they don't lose face in Gaza in case a ceasefire is reached, and their patrons in Tehran are pleased.

Destruction of Hamas headquarters in Gaza after IAF attack (Photo: AFP)

Israel accepts this pattern, which has cemented itself since August: the Egyptians negotiate with Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The two organizations promise restraint but continue with the March of Return riots and the incendiary balloons. From time to time, when there are difficulties in the negotiations with the Egyptians, Hamas, Islamic Jihad or the errant factions escalate with rockets—while the Hamas political leadership looks the other way—following which the talks with Egyptians resume with Israel giving Egypt as much leeway as necessary to reach a stable arrangement.

Iron Dome intercepts rockets over Sderot (Photo: Maor Shem Tov)

Israel's security heads—primarily Prime Minister Netanyahu, Defense Minister Lieberman and IDF Chief Eisenkot—have decided that in any case it's best to let the Egyptians exhaust their influence on Hamas. And as long as the negotiations continue, Israel can settle for measured responses to the rioting on the border, the incendiary balloons, and the rockets. The Iron Dome gives the security heads the feelings that we could tolerate an erosion of the Gaza border residents' sense of security, so long as we don't have to launch a large-scale war in the strip that would cost us in lives and economic damage and end exactly as Operation Protective Edge and its predecessors had ended.

This cold and cruel calculation is what causes the fire from the strip, the ongoing erosion of the Gaza border residents' sense of security, the worsening humanitarian distress of the Palestinians in the strip and the rocket fire.

Destruction of Hamas headquarters in Gaza after IAF attack (Photo: AP)

Israel accepts this situation, inter alia, because it wants the close cooperation with Egypt to continue and because its security heads realize there is no point in a large military campaign in the strip right now without the decision to take over Gaza and hold it for over a year in order to establish a different regime there. After all, it's not even guaranteed that we could find a different and better regime that would stop the rocket fire.

Israel therefore uses these rounds of escalations to systematically destroy considerable parts of Hamas's quality military capabilities—both to make an example out of them, but also because when the IDF does go to war, large parts of Hamas's military assets (mostly its tunnels, naval commandos and special aerial measures) will be out of commission and won't harm us.

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Netanyahu: From interrogations to delusions

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has decided not to announce early elections after it had come to his knowledge that President Reuven Rivlin is plotting with a former Likud official to prevent him from forming the government if he was to be reelected. According to hearsay, Rivlin is planning to task the former Likud official with the task of forming a coalition.

After Rivlin advised Netanyahu to go through a psychiatric observation, Netanyahu focused on another of his old rivals, former interior minister Gideon Sa'ar, who also succeeds in causing paranoia at the prime minister's residence.

Sa'ar is portrayed as subversive, who wants to take Netanyahu down and prevent him from forming a government after the elections.

PM Netanyahu (L) and former interior minister Gideon Sa'ar (Photo: AP)

On the backdrop of Netanyahu's current state, the sense of persecution which he feeds himself and the public with, and the warm embrace he receives from the Likud party, it was only a matter of time before he turns against his domestic political rival. Radio and TV programs hosted by pro-Netanyahu journalists recently implied the premier would follow this path.

The journalists added oil to the fire, spreading the theory about cooperation between the "former official," and the President Rivlin, in their joint attempt to stage a putsch within the Likud in order to oust its leader from power.

Even if it is true—and it is probably not—that Netanyahu received a heads up regarding Rivlin, it is evident that he is the one that made the connection between Rivlin and Sa'ar and turned it into a worldwide conspiracy.

The thought that Sa'ar, while not being a Likud member, is working hand in hand with the president to steal Netanyahu's position as the prime minister is so absurd there is need to say much more.

There was not even one Likud member who said—in public or in private—that he heard anything about Rivlin and Sa'ar's alleged joint plot.

Even Tourism Minister Yariv Levin, who is the closest man to Netanyahu, admitted on the radio he does not know anything about the matter.

However, by distributing his preposterous conspiracy theory, Netanyahu's intention was probably not only to harm Sa'ar.

Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Rivlin (Photo: Alex Kolomoisky)

It makes a lot more sense to assume this is a spin, an experiment that is meant to test the waters and prepare the ground before a bill limiting Rivlin's say and crucial power in forming the government will be brought before the Knesset.

What really matters is Netanyahu and his associates' attempt to change a Basic Law on the grounds of this delusion, which is probably the figment of the prime minister's imagination.

So instead of looking for traces of this conspiracy, we should better try to understand why it was so important for Netanyahu to make such serious accusations, and what he has achieved with all of this.

And the answer is Netanyahu's interrogations. It always comes down to the interrogations.

Knowing the investigations are concluded, and that the attorney general's decision will be submitted before the due date, has exacerbated the pressure at the prime minister's residence.

The intention to announce early elections, and by doing so, prompting the attorney general to give his decision as soon as possible, seems now less relevant.

The last thing Netanyahu wants is for the general attorney to announce his decision during elections time.

And this is how, within less than a day since Netanyahu's accusations were published, the conspiracy theory was born.

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Throw your frustrations on the IDF

What are the Cabinet ministers going to do when the IDF chief finishes his term? Who will be their lightning rod in the coming winter? Who will they project their political frustrations on?

The prime minister visits the Gaza Division, makes threats, but in the end takes a very moderate position on a military solution in Gaza, because the IDF "doesn't recommend it." It's a good thing we have the IDF, otherwise he would've made good on his threats, against his own will.

Lieberman and Bennett, who have been squabbling over who will be the defense minister in the next government, have already "flattened Gaza" with airstrikes three or four times over the past few months. It's a good thing the IDF "opposes." Otherwise the Cabinet would've ordered the Air Force to carry out the dumbest move imaginable: bombing areas of Gaza in response to rioting on the border and incendiary balloons.

 

Prime Minister Netanyahu and Defense Minister Lieberman hold situation assessment at the Gaza Division (Photo: Hagai Dekel)

Now Lieberman announces he's resuming the supply of Qatari-funded fuel to Gaza, because the security services recommended it. Not because it is necessary and important, or to prevent an unnecessary conflict at zero cost, but because the IDF and its heads are all merciful and can't see the Gaza residents meeting the upcoming winter storm without electricity and heating. The Cabinet ministers have been playing this game for months. Time and time again the IDF "saves" them from their own declarations, and they in turn present the IDF and its chief as spineless defeatists. No Cabinet before them has ever dared erode the image of the IDF chief and the military just to fuel a dubious political maneuver. At no point did the IDF claim it was not ready to carry out the order of taking over the strip. The question that always comes up is: what is there to gain from it, on the day after? And this is where it ends. Even when the Cabinet convened after the rockets that hit Be'er Sheva and the sea off the shores of a central Israeli city, the IDF didn't have to work very hard to convince the ministers this rocket fire was the result of a "higher power." The story of a lightning strike that set off the rocket launcher is just one possibility of what happened, and not the most convincing one. But the ministers happily bought it, so they don't have to make good on their rhetoric, calling to burn down the place.

The Gaza front is ready for a military conflict, and it would only take a spark to light this fire. But the diplomatic purpose doesn't exist yet. Even the defense establishment believes a conflict is inevitable, and all that's left is to postpone it to a more convenient timing—one that allows Israel to make some diplomatic gain from it.

IDF chief Eisenkot (Photo: Amit Hoover)

And so the defense minister's decision this week to resume the supply of Qatari-funded fuel to the power station in Gaza was not a humanitarian move, but rather entirely realpolitik: Just as Israel reduced its operations in Syria, because the Russians had to be calmed down; just as the IDF is not bombing in Lebanon, for fear of a war in the north; and just as Israel doesn't take action against threats from other countries in the region, because the Americans vetoed it. So they put on a political show in the Cabinet room, but outside that room there's the real world. This dissonance, between the aggressive delusions and the realpolitik—which is a turn off for the national erection—is what they throw at the IDF chief. They turned him into a political trash can, and they expect him to remain silent about it. This weekend, as well, will see on the Gaza border an event of a similar magnitude to last week. The protests won't stop, because they constitute an optimal recipe that has been allowing Hamas to display resistance without going to war for seven months now. If the protests stop without a concrete achievement, Hamas would have a hard time recreating the momentum gained.

Hamas also won't settle for the fuel Lieberman allowed into the strip. The terror group wants the Qatari money it was promised, so it could pay salaries to its members. It is in Israel's interest for money to go into the Gaza Strip, but Israel can't agree to serve as a channel to transfer funds to a terror organization. So what can we do? Where's the creativity? Where's the "Swedish banker" to come from Egypt with a briefcase full of money?

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We sit and wait for it to blow up in our face

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King Abdullah's decision not to renew Israel's lease on the Arava and Naharayim lands is not really a huge surprise, but a reflection of Israel's dysfunctional governmental organizations, and the tendency to postpone handling serious matters to the last minute. We sit and wait for it to blow up in our face : https://ift.tt/2R76UCC

American Jews, you are also to blame for the rift

For years now, American Jewry has been passive about Israel, while blaming Israel and the Israelis for the rift that had formed between the two communities. Today they regret the neglect, but US Jewry now has to fight for its place in Israeli society.

In recent times, the norm has been to blame Israel (meaning Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the ultra-Orthodox politicians), for the troubled relationship we have been having with the biggest Jewish diaspora in the world—US Jewry. I also took this stand.

The rift has exasperated over the past year, in light of some bumps along the way, such as Tzipi Hotovely and Natalie Portman, and the appointment of Isaac Herzog as head of the Jewish Agency, which spiked tensions between Netanyahu and US Jewry to an all time high.

(Photo: Shahar Azran)

But today of all days, on the eve of the General Assembly of the Jewish Federations of North America (GA) in Tel Aviv, we need to re-observe this norm. Not because Netanyahu isn’t responsible for the striking deterioration of the relationship between Israel and US Jewry, but because of the passivity of the leaders of the Jewish communities and the leaders of the Reform and Conservative movements, regarding everything that has to do with Israel. In other words, instead of complaining about Israeli politicians, let us ask the dear American Jewry one question: What have you done lately in order to penetrate the heart of Israeli society, and show Israelis what your agenda is? In the US, it is well understood that neglecting this aspect of the relationship with Israel was a mistake. That is why it is so easy to point the finger at them. In today’s Tel Aviv assembly, more than 1,000 young American Jews are participating in order to start a new dialogue with Israeli society.

  

And thus, the slogan of the event—”We need to talk”—is very suitable. US Jewry wants to talk, but more than that, they want to start afresh with Judaism’s mothership. “We understand we haven’t done enough,” admitted Jerry Silverman, CEO of the Jewish Federations of North America. Last year, an Orthodox Rabbi, Saul Berman, amazed me and my fellow Gesher movement team when we visited communities in the Washington and NYC region. He called on his friends from Conservative and Reform movements, and asked them to deepen their relationship with Israeli society and start a new and more intensive dialogue with it. “Where have you been for the past years?”, he asked them. Who would even imagine this scene here in Israel: An Israeli Orthodox Rabbi, who sees the Reform community as the worst of it all, will call a Reform Rabbi to deepen his connection with Israel?

Reform and Conservative Jews are the majority within the US Jewish community. Many of the younger generation suffer a serious identity crisis, in light of the impossibility to identify with what Israel has been representing for the past decade, under Netanyahu and his right- wing governments.

But an important factor of their detachment from Israel, lies in the religious aspect, as the Orthodox establishment pushes the pluralistic movements out of the game. However, it would be naive to expect the Israeli Orthodox establishment to make room around the table. It isn’t going to happen, not without a fight. The Orthodox are not going to give up the monopoly and the power that comes with it. And so, if there is any chance for a change in the upcoming years, it lies in the efforts that might (or might not) come from American Jewry to penetrate the heart of the Israeli public. Not through politicians, but directly. US Jews do not need to embrace the Israeli establishment, but to make an effort to work around it, and if necessary—to confront it head on. No other way is going to work. If indeed, US Jewry has awaken from its coma, and if their connection with Israeli society means something to them—they have to act firmly and decisively in order to widen their bond with us. And if the Reforms and Conservatives want Israelis to know that they aren’t the devil, but a pleasant Jewish movement, they have to be present and fight for their role and place in Israeli society. There is no reason, for example, that a secular Jew who does not want to use the Rabbinate services in order to marry, will not choose a Conservative Rabbi to stand under the chuppah. “We need to talk” is a nice slogan for an assembly, but it needs to be replaced by a call for battle. The battle of American Jewry’s place in Israeli Society.

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Government's indecision on Gaza

Dear residents of the Gaza border community, can I ask a small favor? Take a look out the window for a moment. The view you see is very strange because there is no fire or thick smoke. If there is fire, then it is probably coming from the Lehava emergency conference, which they held to discuss the wedding of Lucy Aharish and Tsahi Halevi, and if there is smoke, don’t worry, it is probably coming from the stoners who attended the InDnegev festival nearby.

 

If the skies are indeed clear and the wheat is growing then it is thanks to Quartermaster Avigdor Lieberman, and to the one who is warming the seat of the prime minister—both of whom, have been threatening Hamas for the past few weeks.

Indeed, they threatened. What kind of threats were they? The sexiest kind—the implied threats. Benjamin “We will defeat Hamas” Netanyahu said sweetly :"Hamas has apparently not internalized the message ... We are edging closer to a different kind of activity in Gaza."

(Photo: Hagai Dekel)

What "message" exactly has the most right-wing government in our history sent to the circus of fire that has been on exhibition there for months? And what does "a different kind of activity" mean? Is it like the “Different kind of sex" poem by Yona Wallach? A war is going to break out? Is the reoccupation of Gaza on the agenda? Let's talk openly, yes or no? Because we are already very tired, as the poem says.

What did Avigdor "48 hours" Lieberman hint at?

"No stone was left unturned, and we have passed the point of no return… We tried to exhaust every possibility ... We must deliver the hardest blow imaginable on Hamas,” the defense minister said two weeks ago. What do you mean we have “exhausted every possibility?” Listen, it does not look like that, and if what we’ve seen so far is all that the mighty IDF and the sophisticated arms of our security establishment are capable of—well, then we are in even bigger trouble than we thought. And what exactly is Lieberman proposing? More ambiguity.

(Photo: AFP)

“We must deliver the hardest blow imaginable on Hamas.” The harder blow would be dropping an atomic bomb. Here is an easier option—carpet bombing with a pinch of napalm. Here’s an option on a level higher—the reoccupation of the strip and the establishment of our military in the Gaza mud for years to come. There are many other military options before we reach “the hardest blow.”

The problem is that Lieberman, Netanyahu and the Security Cabinet has so far refrained from striking Hamas even with the easiest of blows. Although the snipers on the border fence might shoot dead some teenagers, but the leaders of Hamas? They safely drink their tea with salvia.

(Photo: AFP)

Hold on. Do not run to your safe rooms. The Cabinet continues to give the ceasefire arrangement negotiations more and more chances. Why? Do you want to threaten in the morning and then not deliver on your threats at night, because there might be elections on the smoky horizon? We understand. From now on, slogan balloons and promise kites will be launched, but once the truth is revealed, they will land on our fields as well.

In the film Halfon Hill Doesn't Answer, Victor Hasson asked his daughter to prepare him "the suit of threats." But he, unlike our greedy couple, pursued his bitter enemy Sergio Constanza all the way to Sinai.

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Hezbollah sees Israel's empty threats in Gaza

While IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot was in the Gaza Division on Friday to closely monitor the border fence riots, Fox News reported that American and other Western intelligence officials estimate Iran has recently increased the frequency of its advanced weapons deliveries to Hezbollah.

As far as Eisenkot is concerned, this is the real headache he leaves to his successor, who has not only yet to be announced, but will also not have enough time for on-the-job training. According to Fox News' report, the latest shipments included GPS components meant to upgrade rockets and turn them into precision-guided missiles. Senior officials told the TV network that one of the flights landed in Lebanon on Tuesday. The plane, a Boeing 747, first touched down in Damascus and then continued to Beirut.

IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot

 

Fox News' report follows another report that noted that "accuracy kits" meant for the long-range missiles the Iranians having in Lebanon, are smuggled on commercial passenger airplanes going directly to the Beirut airport, where they enjoy cooperation from local authorities. This is how Iran overcomes the main obstacle to arms shipments—the possibility they'll be attacked by Israeli aircraft, as has happened more than once in the past.

This modus operandi is consistent with the pressure Russia has been exerting on Iran in an effort to maintain the quiet in Syria since the Russian intelligence plane was shot down in the Latakia area over a month ago. But this is not enough for Hezbollah, as in addition to the GPS components the Shi'ite terror organization wants more long-range missiles as well as additional components to upgrade the accuracy of the existing missiles.

Hezbollah's terror sites in Beirut (Photo: IDF Spokesman's Office)

 This is the place to mention the comments made by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman last week, according to which Israel continues operating in Syria against Iran and Hezbollah's military buildup. During his speech at the UN General Assembly last month, Netanyahu presented an aerial image of a missile factory Iran built near the Beirut airport, and sent a message to Iran and Hezbollah: "We will continue to act against you in Syria. We will act against you in Lebanon. We will act against you in Iraq. We will act against you whenever, and wherever. We must act to defend our state and to defend our people."

(Photo: IDF Spokesman's Office)

   In light of these remarks and the recent developments, it's likely the Cabinet's main dilemma is whether or not to attack the Iranian missile factory in Lebanon as a preemptive strike. Israel hasn't attacked Hezbollah in Lebanon, nor acted to stop the terror group's military buildup, since the 2006 Second Lebanon War. Such a move would very likely lead to war. At this point we should go back to the images of the home of Miri Tamano in Be'er Sheva, which was hit last week by a rocket with a 20 kilogram warhead, perhaps a little more, causing significant damage to the structure. Twenty kilograms is not a lot in Hezbollah's terms, as the terror group has missiles with hundreds of kilograms of payload, highly accurate. Hezbollah has tens of thousands of the missiles fired at Be'er Sheva last week, several thousand heavier missiles and hundreds of heavy and accurate missiles.

Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah (Photo: EPA)

Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah is also watching the developments on the Gaza border closely, and how Israel conducts itself against Hamas, which has far lesser abilities than the Lebanese organization. The IDF respects itself too much to hide or minimize the events on the Gaza border (we don't expect anything from the government ministers anymore). Contrary to what was claimed, the protests on the border last Friday were not the quietest over the past seven months. Like recent weeks, grenades were thrown at IDF forces and Palestinians managed to cross the border fence in several locations. The quietest Friday was after the declaration of a ceasefire in August, and not last weekend.

What did happen this time was that Hamas sent to the border fence only half the people that were there the week before—10,000 instead of 20,000—and tried to curb the violence, to some degree. Hamas proves again and again that it controls the height of the flames and has no intention to put out this fire until it gets what it wants. Israel's political leadership, which is mostly busy with threats to which it has no cover, is now required not only to stop making threats, but also to formulate a strategy—and fast—for Gaza. The solution, at the end of the day, is diplomatic—even if it comes after a military blow. And if anyone thinks otherwise, they ought to instruct the IDF accordingly.

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The dangerous illusion of absolute security

IDF Spokesperson Brig. Gen. Ronen Manlis said a simple truth this week. This truth must be said, and everyone who lives in Israel must hear it, and internalize it too. It is the truth that our politicians do not want to tell us about the Iron Dome, David’s Sling and the other expensive defense systems: "The system's defense capability is not hermetic. What saved the day were the correct actions of a citizen,” the IDF spokesman said after a rocket hit a residence in Be'er Sheva.

That is the truth; and we need, and can, live with this truth. Protection, any protection, will never be perfect. The illusion of absolute security, which our politicians pretend to demonstrate to us time and time again, is seductive but also a flawed and dangerous illusion.

 

Iron Dome missile defense (Photo: Roi Idan)

This is not the first time that the IDF has been forced to do the dirty and unpopular work for the politicians on behalf of the Israeli public, and will almost certainly not be the last time. Even the coalition members, who do not say so explicitly, constantly emphasize Israel's wonderful defense capabilities. They lead us to believe that the Israeli home front is on its way to being completely protected, hinting that we will all soon live in safety under a multi-layered defense shield of the Iron Dome, David Sling, the technological barrier around the Gaza Strip and other amazing and expensive defense systems that will protect us from harm.

It is written in the monthly prayer for the sanctification of the new moon: "Just as I leap (and dance) opposite you and cannot touch you, so may my enemies be unable to touch me for harm." Our politicians lead us to believe that when crunch time arrives, the Iron Dome will ensure that hundreds of thousands of Hezbollah and Hamas rockets will not harm us.

This is not just false, it is utter nonsense; nonsense that will smack us in the face during the next major military confrontation, as it did this week in the apartment of Miri Tamano and her three children in Be'er Sheva.

 

Tamano home after a rocket strike (Photo: Barel Efraim)

Anyone who suggests that we can, now or in the future, be totally protected from harm on the home front, thanks to our defensive missile systems—is simply lying to us.

About two months ago, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu presented the "Security Concept 2030". Its main aim is to add enormous funds to the air defense and cyber defense systems at the expense of the ground forces. In other words, strengthening the home front defenses, at the cost of eroding IDF's ability to achieve a swift and decisive victory on land.

"Rest assured," the politicians say, “we are watching over you. Vote for us, and we will spare no amount of money so that you are completely protected." But why? Why do politicians insist on lying to us over and over again by telling us about the wonders of Israel's impenetrable defense technology? Why are they telling us that high-tech missiles will protect us from all evil and thwart any possibility of harming Israel’s citizens? The answer is human nature—we very much want to hear it and believe it.

Iranian ballistic missiles

Our politicians, clever and efficient at marketing, are always happy to soft-soap us. Who does not want absolute security for themselves and their family? And who is unwilling to pay any price, and vote for any candidate in order to attain this confidence? There is only one small problem: there is no such thing as absolute security; nor will there ever be. We are always living under some level of danger. Mental health is the ability to live with this knowledge, to live with doubt and in the shadow of danger, and still function normally, and feel at ease. What we need in the home front is not blind faith in the falsehood that we are completely protected, but rather the readiness to act when attacked. The air defense systems will successfully intercept most of the missiles that would hit us, but not all of them. There is no substitute for a well-trained home front that is prepared for any challenge. This, in fact, is what Miri Tamano, a true Israeli hero, understood this week. As her sister, attorney Ora Tamano, said: "My sister is a lioness, she slept downstairs and the children slept in three separate rooms upstairs. She simply grabbed them (upon hearing the alarm) and dragged them to the security room. It gave them life. There is nothing left of the house except for that protected room. She is special; a woman of valor. When I myself am at home, there is a dilemma whether to go to the security room or not, because we rely on the Iron Dome. She did the right thing." She is 100% correct. We have the means to deal with the missile threat to the Israeli home front. Our air defense systems are indeed a pride-worthy technological achievement, and they are an important element in protecting the home front. But they have cracks, and there will always have cracks. They cannot — and must not — replace vigilance and resourcefulness, readiness for quick response, and use of safety rooms. The desire for absolute security, and hermetic defense of the home front, is a dangerous illusion. And since our politicians will not tell us this, we should listen to the IDF Spokesperson's Unit. We must be prepared to carry out the instructions of the Home Front Command, which is what Miri Tamano did, and by doing so, she saved her children's lives. This is our true defense, which must be nurtured and practiced, even if it does not add points to politicians in the polls.

Yoram Yuval  is a psychoanalyst, psychiatrist and Israeli brain researcher, professor and head of the Brain Institute for Emotional Research at the School of Social Work, University of Haifa.

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The rope around Hamas's neck is tightening, but for how long will it hold?

Senior Hamas official Ismail Radwan said Friday that despite the media reports suggesting that the organization intends to tone down the violent border protests, no one has actually asked Hamas to "stop the demonstrations,” adding that “even the Egyptian delegation made it clear it is our right to protest.” Radwan told the truth, he just did not tell the whole truth.

 

In the past two days, Israel and Egypt conveyed to Hamas, directly and indirectly, an unequivocal message—If the high level of violence during the border demonstrations remains—Israel will have to strike Gaza with a heavy military blow.

Hamas is an organization that knows how to adapt itself to the changing reality. It always knew.

Gaza protests (Photo: Reuters)

What became obvious to Hamas over the past week is that, unlike the last month and a half, the rope around their neck has started to tighten, and this time Israel will not simply look the other way and absorb the violence. This time, the holidays are really over.

The message has been internalized by Hamas as proven by the events of the past three days.

The Wednesday’s statement, by senior Hamas official Bassem Naim—made following the firing of a missile on the city of Be’er Sheva that hit a residential home—said the incident prompted the group’s security forces to launch an investigation into finding the perpetrators behind the rocket attack.

While on Friday, came the announcement from the March of Return campaign’s organizing committee, saying it intends to ask the demonstrators not to approach the border fence in order “to not provide Israel with an excuse to strike the Gaza Strip as it wishes.”

(Photo: Reuters)

It was not a coincidence that Hamas chose to publish that statement in English, as the group intended to catch the attention of every Western ear but not the ears of the demonstrations themselves—which Hamas already knows how to control without the official announcements.

Nevertheless, for the 30th Friday in a row the March of Return demonstration once again took place, with ten thousand protesters taking part in the event.

However, in recent weeks the number of demonstrators was around 20,000, with multiple Palestinians killed and wounded. This Friday there were several attempts to breach the border fence, but not a single protester was killed.

The security establishment described the demonstration as the quietest since the March of Return campaign began seven months ago, but the truth is that it was the mildest protest since the collapse of the ceasefire talks last month (mostly because of Mahmoud Abbas, but that is a different issue).

It is safe to assume that Israel is relatively satisfied by this development, and it will most likely allow once again Qatari-bought fuel to enter Gaza.

Gaza protests last Friday (Photo: AFP)

However, it’s unclear if the demonstration next Friday or the Friday after that will be similar in scope. The memory span of those in Gaza is very short, and no one can be sure that Hamas will not gradually escalate the border violence once again, if it decides that the quiet does not serve its interests.

In other words, Egyptian intelligence is no more than a pain relief pill—without a long-term solution to the core problem acceptable for both sides—which means the winds of war will blow once again much faster than we thought.

Maybe a rocket or two will once again hit an unexpected location, but this time there might not be another Miri Tamano to save her children on time and spare us a military campaign.

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An unreasonable ruling

It is possible, it is definitely possible, that the State of Israel should've allowed Lara Alqasem to enter the country from the outset. The damage that may have been done to Israel by denying her entry, as quite a few articles argued, sometimes exceeds the benefits of enforcing the law.

  But with all due respect to the writers of these articles, article D(2) of the Entry Into Israel Law clearly states that: an entry permit will not be granted to someone who is not an Israeli national "if he, the organization or the body he acts on behalf of knowingly issues a public call for boycotting Israel." Alqasem headed a local chapter of the Students for Justice in Palestine, the body that leads the boycott against the State of Israel, and whose heads reject the very existence of the State of Israel.

Lara Alqasem (Photo: AFP)

There is no argument that the government's ministers acted in accordance with their authority. But the Supreme Court reversed the decision on Thursday because, in the opinion of the honorable justices, it is unreasonable: "Alqasem's desire to study in Israel is in contradiction with the idea of boycotting Israel." Excuse me?! Do these judges live in Israel? After all, Israel's universities have both lecturers and students who support the boycott movement. And the boycott movement's most prominent leader, Omar Barghouti, was, and perhaps still is, a student at Tel Aviv University. He's travelling around the world and preaching for the eradication of Israel. Is his or Alqasem's insistence to study at an Israeli university an indication of anything? I could go on with more and more arguments mentioned in the decision, but there is not enough space to cover all of them. Because the problem with the ruling was and remains in the determination that the decision to deny Alqasem entry was unreasonable. The range of reasonable responses is supposed to be broad. Very broad. Otherwise, the executive branch's discretion should be revoked and transferred to the jurists. Some citizens would disapprove of the decisions made under the executive branch's discretion. But if everything citizens—mostly if they belong to the media and academic elite—disapprove of becomes unreasonable, we could declare democracy dead. Furthermore, two lower courts have already ruled that the decision was reasonable. Meaning, common sense says that if both government ministers and two judges in two courts consider the decision reasonable, it necessarily falls within the range of reasonable responses. But not for the Supreme Court justices, that the more they minimize the range of reasonable responses, they minimize democracy. And in general, based on the rule created on Thursday, any BDS supporter could say he changed his mind and infiltrate Israel. The absurd in the reasonability claim becomes far more disturbing when checking the list of those denied entry in other democratic countries. Britain denied entrance to American nationals Michael Alan Weiner (Michael Savage) and Shirley Phelps-Roper, as well as Israeli politician Moshe Feiglin because of their views. The US denied entry to Swiss academic Ramadan Tariq, British teen Luke Angel and Liza Maza from the Philippines because of their views. And there are many others. They were not members of organizations that reject the right to exist of the countries that denied them entry. But in Israel, as late judge Menachem Elon once said, there's sometimes confusion between the rule of law and the rule of the judges. On Thursday we saw another example of that.

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The cost of Israel's restraint in Gaza

Even if it's not entirely clear what would be the extent of the IDF's ramped up response to Hamas's escalation in violence, one thing is clear: Israel must not reach an agreement under fire and without first restoring its deterrence.

The deterrence from Operation Protective Edge lasted three years and eight months. The political leadership did not take advantage of this quiet to achieve a convenient arrangement with Hamas, and this has been its main mistake.

Over the past six months, Hamas has realized that the Israelis understand only force, and that has been working out nicely for the terror group. If the Israeli reaction doesn't change in the wake of a grave incident like the rocket fire early Wednesday—the situation would only deteriorate.

Prime Minister Netanyahu and Defense Minister Lieberman hold situation assessment (Photo: Hagai Dekel)

  

On March 29, Hamas decided to change the equation, and they've been successful: first with the "March of Return" on the border, the violent rioting, the launching of incendiary and explosive balloons, rounds of fighting they initiated, and lately the mass infiltrations into Israel. The military and the government didn't handle these cases correctly—not the balloons, when at first they didn't stop their launchers; and not the rounds of fighting that the IDF ended with no operational achievements. Furthermore, despite the infiltrations, the IDF didn't reintroduce the ban on Palestinians entering the 300-meter buffer zone on the border. Over the past six months the prime minister, as well as the defense minister, have mostly been busy making threats that turned out to be empty. It were those empty threats that allowed the situation to deteriorate to this level. The rocket fire on Wednesday morning surprised both the IDF and the political leadership. They were all busy preparing for the arrival of Egyptian intelligence head Kamel Abbas to the Gaza Strip, Ramallah and Jerusalem to wrap up the loose ends on the ceasefire deal.

Damage caused by Gaza rocket to Be'er Sheva home (Photo: Ido Erez)

Hamas claims it was not responsible for the rocket fire at Be'er Sheva and central Israel. But only two organizations in the strip have the kind of rockets fired on Wednesday—Hamas and Islamic Jihad. The damage caused is extensive and unusual because this rocket had more than the standard 20 kilograms of explosives. The launchers of the rocket did so in a calculated manner. It was definitely not the result of a lightning strike, as Hamas claimed, but rather because someone wanted to achieve another victory before the arrangement that the same someone also hoped to achieve, and so it was convenient for that someone to also appear as the one seeking to halt the fire. Israel must not allow this situation and so it requires a response—before Israel agrees to an arrangement. The retaliatory attacks on Wednesday were not as significant despite the videos released by the IDF. The only terrorist killed was the result of the thwarting of a cell trying to launch rockets at the Hof Ashkelon Regional Council.

IAF attacks rocket launching cell    (צילום: דובר צה"ל )

Meanwhile, some of the Hamas leaders have gone underground, and the organization evacuated its command posts to limit the IDF's ability to carry out assassinations. The IDF presented the Cabinet with different levels of operations, but it's clear that both the military and political leadership lack the kind of trickery Israel excelled at during Operation Cast Lead and Operation Protective Edge. In 2008, then-defense minister Ehud Barak ordered to open the Gaza border crossings despite the unending rocket fire, and then the next day he ordered strikes on dozens of Hamas targets. In 2014, Barak and Netanyahu went to the Golan Heights for a photo up to divert media attention to Syria, while the Air Force carried out a strike taking out Hamas commander Ahmed Jabari. For six months that Netanyahu and Lieberman's policy of restraint is not working. There's no reason to believe that if they continue on the same path now, it'll suddenly start bearing fruit.

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How to get out of the Palestinian trap

Wednesday morning's rocket fire from Gaza into Israel. and Israel's retaliatory attack in the strip, made it clear that a serious military escalation is closer than regulation. Murderous attacks take place in the West Bank, and professionals warn of an escalation there as well. The security establishment is committed to providing the best response to security challenges, but the political echelon is obligated to challenge itself and examine ways  to establish a long-term policy with the Palestinians.

It turns out, once again, that the way in which both the left and the right relate to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict does not correspond with reality. Israel must formulate a path for itself that will lead to a separation from the Palestinians.

Attack in Gaza (Photo: AFP)

The reality in which we live proves that Greater Israel (Eretz Israel HaShlema) cannot be preserved, it is impossible to reach a "complete" peace agreement, and a second disengagement cannot take place.

However, the Israeli government adopts a policy which preserves the existing state of affairs, leading to a continuing erosion of security and to an escalation potential, as we can clearly see now. In the future, will not be able to preserve the vision of a secure and just Jewish-democratic state. What shall we do? We get out of this rut and adopt a new national strategy that will ensure the existence of a democratic state with a solid Jewish majority, and stop deluding ourselves over a Palestinian partner.

We get out of this trap through a policy that does not offer two states now, but prevents the formation of a single state tomorrow.

We need to create a new reality in the West Bank that does not repeat past mistakes like the disengagement, does not include a return to the Green Line borders, does not tear our nation apart by evacuating settlements, does not cause a humanitarian crisis in Gaza, but marks the future border of Israel, and mainly keeps control over security in our hands.

A comprehensive study conducted by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) over the past couple of years has led to the formulation of a realistic and creative political plan that will realize all these goals.

At the core of the study is the definition of the national objective: ensuring the existence of Israel as a secure and just Jewish-democratic state.

To realize this objective, we need to immediately and decisively put an end to this motion towards a reality of one state—which will not be Zionist— without endangering our safety.

The following are the six main steps outlined in the plan: first, Israel will reaffirm its willingness to sign a comprehensive peace agreement if and when the Palestinians recognize the Jewish people's right to a state, agree to end the conflict without the right of return, and accept Israel's security demands.

Second, the Judea and Samaria area will be redistributed by creating a contiguous Palestinian territory (which will cover 65% of the area) and three Israeli areas: the blocs area slated to become part of Israel's territory in times of peace, security area in the Jordan Valley, and an area that engulfs the isolated settlements.

Third, construction of settlements east of the security fence will cease, while construction of settlements west of the fence will continue. Fourth, the IDF's full military and intelligence freedom of action will be maintained throughout Judea and Samaria.

Fifth, construction work on the security fence will be completed to help shield Israel and its large settlement blocs from Palestinian terror. Sixth, a comprehensive and ambitious economic plan will be launched for the development of Palestinian territories with international and Arab funds.

We Israelis are so innovative, sophisticated and creative, but from a political stand point—for the past several decades we have not been innovative, or sophisticated or creative. Israel is stronger than ever. Several threats of the past have been weakened or put on hold. But it is precisely for this reason that we must not sit idly by. We must use our strength today to ensure tomorrow, to take our fate into our own hands and secure the future of the Jewish national home.

This article was written by Maj. Gen. (Res.) Amos Yadlin, Head of the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS)

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